Morte e vida da São Paulo abandonada
Felipe Villela, Coordenador da Rede em São Paulo
Em apenas uma noite, 1,5 mil famílias deixaram de ser sem-teto e 16 edifícios abandonados voltaram à vida na cidade de São Paulo. Entre os dias 12 e 13 de abril deste ano, quase 6 mil pessoas decidiram não mais esperar por ajuda do governo e começaram um processo coletivo para conquistar moradia digna.
A ação marca os 19 anos do massacre de 21 sem-terra pela polícia militar em Eldorado dos Carajás, município no Estado do Pará, durante manifestação do MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra). Desde então, todos os anos durante o Abril Vermelho movimentos sociais que lutam por condições dignas de moradia e trabalho, tanto na cidade quanto no campo, fazem novas ocupações de imóveis que não cumprem função social.
No Brasil, o uso de qualquer propriedade privada é condicionado ao interesse coletivo e por isso deve cumprir função compatível com direitos sociais de toda população. A Constituição da República Federativa prevê que o Estado tem obrigação de garantir necessidades vitais básicas aos trabalhadores urbanos e rurais, entre elas o direito à moradia. Especificamente no caso de imóveis urbanos, seu uso é regulado pelo Estatuto da Cidade, e deve ser em prol do bem coletivo, da segurança e do bem-estar dos cidadãos.
A despeito da lei, a quantidade de imóveis residenciais sem uso em comparação com o grande número de pessoas sem casa é uma contradição alarmante nas grandes cidades brasileiras. Em 2000, na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo (RMSP) faltavam 360 mil casas enquanto mais de 674 mil domicílios estavam vagos. A relação entre imóveis vagos e déficit habitacional chegava a 187,12%, segundo o IPEA. Naquela época, a maior quantidade de domicílios vazios em relação ao total de residências estava na região central da cidade de São Paulo, local com o maior número de equipamentos de saúde, educação, lazer e cultura, a melhor infraestrutura de transporte e a maior oferta de empregos.
"Trabalhador precisa ficar perto do trabalho, dos serviços públicos", afirma Carmem Ferreira, líder do MSTC (Movimento Sem-teto do Centro). Por isso o movimento participa de ocupações na região central da cidade desde o fim da década de 1990.
Durante o Abril Vermelho, MSTC e outros grupos ligados à FLM (Frente de Luta pela Moradia) ocuparam 10 prédios no centro. Outros três imóveis foram ocupados na zona norte, um na zona leste e dois na zona sul (veja mapa completo aqui).
Atualmente, o centro não é mais o lugar com o maior índice de domicílios vagos na cidade. No entanto, o valor do metro quadrado subiu 189% entre 2000 e 2010, frente a um aumento de 135% no município em geral, conforme dados da prefeitura. O maior custo da moradia provocou aumento do déficit habitacional, que na RMSP chegou a mais de 782 mil unidades em 2010, de acordo com levantamento da Fundação João Pinheiro.
A grande dificuldade para produzir habitação popular no centro, segundo o governo, é o alto custo dos imóveis. No entanto, movimentos de moradia acusam administradores públicos de não fazer vale a legislação que obriga toda propriedade privada a cumprir função social. No centro da cidade, por exemplo, há prédios abandonados que acumulam dívidas em impostos que superam seu valor de mercado. Mesmo assim, não são desapropriados.
Para chamar atenção para esta omissão do governo, e também por necessidade, grupos organizados de sem-teto ocupam imóveis sem uso.
"Trabalhamos pela dignidade do cidadão e por políticas efetivas. Queremos que o poder público enxergue que é possível fazer uma política transformadora", diz Ferreira, do MSTC. Close.
Fotos: Mauricio Lima, Jornalistas Livres; Sergio Silva, Jornalistas Livres.
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Life and death of abandoned São Paulo
Felipe Villela, São Paulo Community Manager
It took only one night for 1,500 families to leave homelessness behind and for 16 abandoned buildings to come back to life in São Paulo. In the night between April 12th and 13th 2015, almost 6,000 people decided not to wait for government help, and started a collective process to achieve suitable homes.
This event, called Red April, has taken place annually since April 1996, when the police killed 21 rural workers during a Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Rural Workers Without Land Movement) protest in northern Brazil. In remembrance, social movements fight for satisfactory housing and employment protest by occupying real estate that does not fulfill its social function.
In Brazil, every private property has its use constrained by public interest and therefore must be compatible with the social rights of the whole population. According to the City Statute, the government is obliged to satisfy the basic needs of workers, including the right to housing. Urban real estate is therefore required to promote the collective good, security, and citizens' well-being.
Regardless of the law, the number of properties not in use compared to the high number of homeless people is a striking contradiction in Brazilian cities. In 2000, the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo faced a shortage of 360,000 homes, while more than 674,000 residences were vacant. This means that vacant domiciles corresponded to 187 percent of the housing deficit, according to IPEA. The highest vacancy rates were in the central area of the city, which is where job opportunities, public hospitals and clinics, schools, museums, and the best transport infrastructure are all located.
"A worker needs to be close to work, to public services," says Carmem Ferreira, a coordinator at the Movimento Sem-teto do Centro (Homeless Movement of the Center). This movement has therefore been taking place in the central area of the city since the late 1990s.
In this year's Red April, Ferreira's group and others connected to the Frente de Luta pela Moradia (Housing Struggle Front) took over 10 buildings in the city center. Three more buildings were occupied in the northern part of the city, one in the east and two in the south (see map here).
Today, the city center no longer has the highest percentage of vacant homes in São Paulo. Nevertheless, the price per square foot rose by 189 percent between 2000 and 2010, while just 135 percent in the city as a whole. Higher prices raised the housing deficit to 782,000 in the metropolitan region in 2010, according to Fundaçao Joao Pinheiro.
The government reports that the high cost of real estate is the greatest barrier to housing production in the city center. However, social movements argue that authorities do not enforce the law that requires every private property to fulfill its social function. In the central area, for instance, there are abandoned buildings that accumulate debts in taxes that exceed their market value. Even so, the buildings are not expropriated.
Organized homeless groups occupy these properties to draw attention to the government omission, as well as to meet their urgent need for a home. "We struggle for citizen dignity and for effective housing policies. We want the government to see that a transformative policy is possible," says Ferreira. Close.
Photos: Mauricio Lima, Jornalistas Livres; Sergio Silva, Jornalistas Livres.
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Comments
BCA working on people's self esteem
Hi Tam Nguyen,
Thanks for your article. These days I was reading an article about the work of psychiatrist James Gilligan, who has a very interesting thesis that describes violence as an attempt to replace shame with self-esteem. It made me think a lot about the power of our exclusionary realities in people most deep essences and personalities. I think one of the most serious problem we face is that people in vulnerable situations are often seen as part of a homogeneous and stereotyped mass, and they are made to believe that a change is not possible. Unfortunately, at least in Brazil, traditional public education seems to reinforce that – it doesn't stimulate critical thinking and it doesn't encourage people to make way for new perspectives. That's why initiatives as these one are so important. While preparing youngsters to think beyond the problems' surface and propose solutions in practical ways, they work in theses kids' self-esteem, make they stronger, show them that they have the power to intervene and to conquer, show they are valuable, creative and powerful human beings – and maybe this is the strongest tool one can have to fight for a better life.
Linking students from the Favelas
Andréa, I enjoyed a lot your article. It is amazing how this laboratory came true from the initiative of intellectuals of the community. It would be interesting to know more about how these intellectuals launched the proyect and obtained the financial resources in order to create the asociation and support students of the favelas. More over, I was wondering if you could explain what happens when students finish the academic programe, is there any strategy to link them to the enterprises or the labor market?
LAWMA project
Dear Olatawura
Great piece giving idea on a very persistent issue as waste management. I wonder how much is the per capita payment for this service provided by LAWMA despite it was franchised and if the employees working in this project are trained and their safety is maintained before practicing such services?
Best!
training/cost
Thank You shaima. The personnel are trained before engaging there are strict specification to be met before the contract is awarded. Specific number of trucks to ensure the areas can be fully covered and many checks along the way to ensure efficiency including resident feedback. How well this sources are utilized however, is unclear. Citizens seem not to be proactive or aware of this option. Regarding the fees, as far as I understand, this is basically per tonnage/ location. The tariff is lower in low income areas and costed per waste bin picked up monthly.
Linking students from the Favelas
Hi María Fernanda, thanks for asking!
Observatório de Favelas, in its most early origin (before having this name even), began as a program of IETS – Instituto de Estudo do Trabalho e Sociedade (Portuguese for "Institute for Labour and Society Studies"), an initiative of Rio de Janeiro's government (of its Labor and Employment "delegation") to strengthen the relationship between researchers, policymakers and other stakeholders committed to the fight against poverty. The IETS is a Civil Society Organization of Public Interest, a title that facilitates the creation of partnerships with all levels of government and public agencies and allows public and private actors to contribute with financial donations (discounted of its income tax payments).
When Observatorio de Favelas (actually, what it would become OF) was an IETs program (funded by private partners through discounts in their tax), it was a group of researchers hired to work in two levels: producing research (to enlarge the qualified knowledge of the slums and urban phenomena) and training local researchers (that's when they created "University Network Program for Popular Spaces", which in the future would turn into Conexões de Saberes). Over the years, these researchers got more and more engaged with the community and expanded their operations a lot, so they decided to become an autonomous entity.
At this point, they had already formed new researchers, had already been in contact with lots of community leaders and scholars throughout the city, and also had made relations with various companies and government representatives. It's likely that in the beginning they had to dedicate time and work voluntarily to establish partnerships, but this changed. Today, they are supported by many many partners, from private companies and NGOs to the government: http://of.org.br/parceiros/ . It was something progressive: the more partnerships they had, more manpower they could hire to train new workforces and to start new projects.
Regarding Conexões de Saberes, the program goal is to make students keep their studies at the university, to avoid them to give up. The idea is that they apply for master's degrees, PhD, Postdoctoral... and I'm sure they are supported to compete for scholarships in their educational institutions too. In this case, this is already an strategy to link them to the labor market, as they are pursuing an academic carrer. In addition, many of them continue to work for OF after graduating, but I don't know whether they are paid or not. I'm not sure either if Observatorio scholarships are directed only for undergraduate students or to MS, PhD... too. I've asked them by e-mail and let you know asap.
To finish, regarding Espocc, it's kind of the same: the program goal is education, forming youngsters. All the students are enrolled in school or are just starting university (the age range is roughly from 14 to 20), so the focus is to study, not to work. As part of the practical education, they do internship, what usually takes part in Diálogos, Espocc agency. Some Espocc classes are held in partners headquarters (advertising agencies, TV channels) and, as a result, students do a lot of contacts with professionals who are already in the labor market. I don't know, however, if there are any subsequent programs focused on officialy inserting these youngsters into the labor market. I'm gonna check that and, as soon as I have further information, I'll let you know.
I'm sorry for my infinite answer, I hope it helps! :)
What are the major obstacles in implementation?
In Johannesburg as in São Paulo, It really does seem like the greatest challenge for the urban poor to achieve substantive citizenship is to make the elite agree on material redistribution. For instance, here in city’s central area there are lots of abandoned buildings as well as many organized homeless groups with the right expertise to “renovate” them. Nevertheless most of government actions favor buildings’ legal owners, as a way to ensure their right to speculate with urban property.
Trash to Cash
Hello Wonderful, your article is very interesting, its inspiring to see how individuals without government support are working to improve their environment. You mentioned the initial project helping turn trash to cash is over, I wonder if there was any plans from the authorities to incorporate this system into their waste management plan as they aren't covering all areas. Pushing this mechanism large scale seems like a viable option to prevent lilongwe being overrun by waste.
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