Finding a voice in the politics of urban poverty

May 2015 — There are innumerable factors that contribute to minimizing the visibility of the poor in politics, ranging from limited funds for organizing to mainstream media biases that give preference to voices of authority and power. Yet leaders, activists, and unions do emerge from poor communities to advocate for critical needs, contesting stigmas and creating alternative avenues for communication based on participation rather than wealth.

This month’s discussion examines how the urban poor and their advocates navigate conflicting agendas and institutional invisibility in order to make their claims heard. Follow the conversation as it unfolds over the course of May and share your thoughts in the comments below.

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Our community, our city, our say — participatory urban governance in Accra

Accra, 27 May 2015 — Participation is a panacea to inclusive governance and development. Nonetheless, the forgotten voice of the urban poor in Accra is a recipe for seclusion. Reviving the spirits of an all-inclusive and participatory urban governance dream, Global Communities' IncluCity, WASH-UP, and SCALE-UP projects have brought not only hope to Accra's urban poor but have also rekindled the essence of a grapevine participation. See more.

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Our community, our city, our say — participatory urban governance in Accra

Francis Zana Naab, Accra Community Manager

Accra is often faced with challenges in providing potable water and good sanitation for its inhabitants due to rapid population growth, poverty, and urban governance issues. Low-income urban residents who live in slums are the most affected. While local groups like youth groups, dressmaker associations, and traditional leaders do cooperate with one another to advocate for communal needs, their efforts are limited by the negligence of local and metropolitan authorities.

To respond to the needs of these low-income communities, the organization Global Communities has helped improve not only water accessibility and sanitation, but also local community participation in local and municipal governance. This is done through their IncluCity, Water Access Sanitation and Hygiene for Urban Poor (WASH-UP), and Slum Communities Achieving Livable Environments with Urban Partners (SCALE-UP) projects. Global Communities (formerly CHF International) is a catalyst for long-lasting positive change in low- and moderate-income communities around the world, including Accra. Working on social, economic, and environmental conditions, Global Communities has fostered a citizen-government partnership that improves the needs of poor communities in Accra. The objective of the WASH-UP and SCALE-UP programs is to increase equitable access to water supply and basic sanitation for poor urban communities by promoting cooperative efforts between civil society organizations, local service providers, and the government.

In partnership with the Nimba Community Support Services and 68 Community Based Organisations, the project seeks to involve low-income communities in participating in decision-making with respect to communal needs. Global Communities has been able to empower and serve the interest of about one million people living in 24 poor communities across Accra.

Global Communities and their local partners have been able to assemble community action plans from low-income communities through a consultation process which brings together community members and their leaders. By acting as a link for these poor communities, they are able to dialogue with districts and municipal assemblies to include these ideas in their short and medium-term plans for the district. These proposals are then sent to the central government to be included in the national development plans. Grants are awarded to communities, which implement the projects based on the priority of needs in the community action plan. Community members often provide labour, often using their local knowledge.

Avenor, an Accra neighborhood, is one of the communities that has been improved through the provision of public water systems and sanitation facilities. With help from municipal and metropolitan authorities, the Ghana Water and Sewerage Company, and local CBOs and leaders, tap water was installed in local houses and connected to water mains. With the leadership of Global Communities, the project was financed by the metropolitan authorities and Global Communities, with the local community providing the labour needed at no cost.

Through this community-based participation in decision-making and project implementation, poor communities are able to make their own decisions as well as implement and manage them for the common good of their communities. With the leadership of Global Communities, the views and needs of these poor communities are considered and inclusive development is achieved through bottom-up planning. Close.

Photo: Global Communities

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Between state and society: the work of the Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa

Johannesburg, 26 May 2015 — While South Africans all signed up to a new constitutional path in the immediate post-apartheid era, constitutional ideals at times also appear to be flouted both by government and by society. The Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa is one notable non-profit organisation seeking to bridge such divides. Building on the nation's constitutional framework, it provides dedicated socio-economic rights assistance for individuals, communities, and social movements. See more.

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Between state and society: the work of the Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa

Tariq Toffa, Johannesburg Community Manager

Although South Africans all signed up to a new constitutional path in the immediate post-apartheid era "based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights," constitutional ideals at times also appear to be flouted both by government and by a society which remains grossly unequal and appears increasingly divided. The Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI) is one notable non-profit organisation seeking to bridge such divides. Building on the nation's constitutional framework, it provides dedicated socio-economic rights assistance for individuals, communities and social movements. We spoke to Kate Tissington, senior research and advocacy officer at SERI, about the organisation's work and challenges.

Explain briefly what SERI does and how it was established.

SERI was established in 2010 to pursue an integrated approach to research, litigation, and advocacy work in order to support groups trying to enforce the socio-economic rights contained in the South African Constitution.

SERI currently works across four strategic, thematic areas: inner city housing; informal settlement upgrading and basic services; participation, protest, and political space; and informal trade and livelihoods. For example, in SERI's inner-city housing work, existing inner-city evictions jurisprudence has shaped and focused the organization's strategy to advocate for and develop a model of affordable rental accommodation.

With respect to SERI's focus areas, how are South Africans faring, as a government, a private sector, or a society?

While the Constitution guarantees socio-economic rights to everyone and there have been many progressive laws and policies developed since 1994, implementation in real terms has been disappointing, especially given South Africa's status as a middle-income country. The provision of adequate housing and basic services is devolved to the provincial and local government level and it here that a crisis of delivery and accountability is being witnessed. The proliferation of so-called "service delivery protests" around the country points to mass dissatisfaction with local governance, especially in underserved communities and poor municipalities. Linked to this is the broader phenomenon of the increased use of policing and the criminal justice system to shut down dissent. These are worrying developments.

There has never been a greater need for new models of interaction between state and society on the scope and content of socio-economic needs and obligations. SERI views its work as being as much about the consolidation of constitutional democracy as about delivering material benefits and public services to poor communities.

What are some of the greatest challenges that SERI engages?

In SERI's inner-city housing and informal trade work in Johannesburg, litigation has gone so far and a different type of engagement and negotiation on the broader strategic and policy issues is required. Unfortunately, the local state does not seem interested in really attempting to engage with SERI and its clients on this. Operations like Clean Sweep and Ke Molao, and the abuse of the criminal justice system to silence dissent, are challenges which highlight the often very anti-poor and antagonistic approaches that dominate with the local state, despite there being progressive policies in place.

What are some of the key disciplines that can engage these challenges?

SERI consists of people who have not only studied law, but also social anthropology, sociology, economics, development studies, history, social work, development planning, and urban studies. These disciplines bring different dimensions to SERI's work, and are all extremely useful when responding to challenges facing clients, conceptualizing research, and positioning advocacy. In terms of housing issues in cities and urban areas, the solutions are complex and require a nuanced, multi-dimensional approach. Close.

Photo 1: Evicted inner-city traders gather outside the local government offices, November 2013 (photo by author). Photo 2: An inner-city Johannesburg apartment (courtesy of SERI).

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Bring Back Our Girls: Advocating for vulnerable groups

Abuja, 25 May 2015 — On April 14th, 2014, insurgency group Boko Haram abducted 276 schoolgirls from their hostels. This was the tipping point leading to the formation of Bring Back Our Girls, a powerful advocacy organization for vulnerable groups, with the aim of demanding action on their behalf. See more.

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Bring Back Our Girls: Advocating for vulnerable groups

Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Abuja Community Manager

With the increased frequency of terror attacks in northern Nigerian cities like Abuja, lack of political representation has taken on a new dimension for poor and vulnerable residents. Not only are they subject to the challenges that come with poverty and lack of social power, this particular group is now also vulnerable to attacks and captivity. With very little clout to demand change and protection, they are often left to struggle for survival in a helpless state. The plights of such groups were brought to the fore nationally and globally with the abduction of over 200 schoolgirls by a terrorist group in northern Nigeria, Boko Haram. This incident gave rise to the advocacy group Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG), which operates mostly out of Abuja. The organization is the driver behind the national and global voice demanding action on behalf of the group of girls.

The newly formed advocacy group was created to give voice to the plight of the families of the abducted girls, and has spent the past year squarely focused on this mission. They have driven local and international campaigns to call the national government to action. However, despite attention brought to the issues by the group's advocacy efforts, response from national authorities has been questionable and has been criticized by citizens and by the press. This raises the question of how much less responsive the authorities would have been without the group's efforts, and also highlights the impact of the group in pushing for political will. In efforts to sustain the movement, there have been several meetings and marches in various cities throughout Nigeria, starting with Abuja and extending to Lagos and Ibadan. To commemorate one year since the abduction, the group reignited the movement and support for release of the girls through various advocacy activities such as marches, social media advocacy, and media events.

The BBOG group was inspired by a single event and started as a small movement by those affronted, but through the power of advocacy and citizen engagement, has grown into a powerful force. At the end of April 2015, reports surfaced regarding the rescue of over 200 girls and women from the Sambisa Forest, Boko Haram's hideout. Although it is unclear if the abducted schoolgirls are part of this group, the organization's year-long push for the return of the abducted girls fueled both national and international pressure amongst authorities. The result is the military operation that lead to this recent rescue of women and children from the terrorist group's stronghold.

With the existence of advocacy groups such as BBOG, the power of citizen participation is amplified. Furthermore, they bring hope to the voiceless, knowing that others can and will come together to create a platform for their voices to be heard. Finally, the hope is that the movement continues to exist beyond its current focus and that it grows to serve as a beacon of change and a platform for Abuja's vulnerable citizens. Close.

Photo: Michael Fleshman

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Hazard Centre: Institution-building through community empowerment

Delhi, 22 May 2015 — How do we empower communities so that they can find their own voice and build their own institutions? Read about the case of Hazard Centre, a Delhi-based NGO, and its role in a two-year-long consultation process with the residents of Kathputli Colony, the first in-situ development under Rajiv Awas Yojana. See more.

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Hazard Centre: Institution-building through community empowerment

Priyanka Jain, Delhi Community Manager

Evictions related to redevelopment of slums have recently held sway as one of New Delhi's hot button issues. But what is often overshadowed in the conversation about inequities and basic rights is the persistent negotiation that goes behind building the capacity of the community so that they can articulate alternatives and gain access to decision-makers. This article tells the story of Hazard Centre and its role in a two-year-long consultation process with the residents of Kathputli Colony, which resulted in the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) admitting failure and proposing a more inclusive alternative redevelopment plan.

The process started in 2013 when the residents of Kathputli Colony — the first proposed in-situ slum redevelopment under the government's slum-free India plan called Rajiv Awas Yojana — approached the Hazards Centre with a public-private partnership contract between real estate company Raheja Developers and the Delhi Development Authority. The residents had received the contract through the Right To Information Act and wanted to understand it. The Hazard Centre team explained how the contract affected the rights of the local residents, described the roles of different government departments, and also helped them to articulate their demands.

The community was concerned that only 2,800 of the 3,400 families would be housed, in tiny flats in 15-story buildings. This was in contrast to the plots of land that the state department had been promising for years. They were further concerned by the fact that 40 percent of the total land would be used by the developer for profitable use, with a 46-story tower made up of 170 premium apartments. The community wrote to different departments in Delhi, including the Delhi Development Authority and the Ministry of Urban Development, as well as politicians and journalists.

In order to garner the full support of the community, the Hazard Centre invited residents from other resettlement communities such as Bawana and Bhalaswa. The residents shared their stories of evictions, the process through which they conducted their own surveys and eventually claimed the rights denied to them. The team also screened films, sharing the stories about eviction and the process of conducting a people's survey for the whole community.

In February 2014, the residents received a notice from the DDA for an immediate shift to transit camps at Anand Parbat. The Hazard team advised the community on legal actions and recommended a lawyer to petition the Delhi High Court. When the authorities responded with aggression, the Hazard Centre gave out information regarding redress of grievances. The community wrote to the National Human Rights Commission, the Election Commission, the Minorities Commission, the Women's Commission, and others to bring pressure to bear on the police to stop the violence and harassment.

The Delhi High Court Judgment on March 20, 2014 was a setback for the community and many considered it to be a defeat. Justice Hima Kohli refused to suspend the redevelopment project and asked for all efforts to be made to persuade the residents to shift to the transit camp in Anand Parbat. But the Hazard team helped the community find opportunities within the judgment. It required Delhi Development Authority (DDA) to re-conduct a full survey of all families, and allowed residents to inspect the transit camp and make suggestions to make it livable. The judgment also gave the community time to point out violations of the Master Plan by the re-development project. The residents immediately started the process themselves and submitted it to DDA. DDA couldn't reply to all of the issues in time, and the residents were therefore saved from eviction.

In April 2015, the DDA admitted that the project in Kathputli had failed because of the lack of cooperation by residents, and therefore published an alternative slum rehabilitation policy draft. On May 8, DDA organized an open house (khula darbar) at Vikas Sadan, where the developer personally appealed to the agitated residents of Kathputli, offering to build four-story structures if they could provide him with a plan.

The process at Kathputli Colony continues as residents draft their own plan to present to local authorities. The work shows that the true empowerment of a community lies in their ability to monitor and evaluate the development themselves. It highlights the persistent yet neutral stand that Hazard Centre provided, helping the community to find and trust their own voice rather than becoming their voice. Close.

Photo: Hazards Centre

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BAHASA INDONESIA

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Media pengaduan yang inklusif

Surabaya, 21 Mei 2015 — Penggunaan teknologi informasi mendominasi pelayanan pelayanan publik di Surabaya. Di satu sisi memudahkan masyarakat mendapat informasi dan menyampaikan aduan, namun di sisi lain masih banyak yang tidak terakomodasi dalam sistem ini. Java Sutra merupakan jaringan CSO di Surabaya yang menjembati mereka menyampaikan keluhan pelayanan publik. Baca lebih lanjut.

BAHASA INDONESIA

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Media pengaduan yang inklusif

Widya Anggraini, Surabaya Community Manager

Implementasi reformasi birokrasi di Surabaya lebih dari satu dekade ini telah berhasil mengembangkan e-government dengan memaksimalkan penggunaan teknologi informasi (IT) dalam pengelolaan pemerintahan dan pelayanan publik. Inovasi dalam bidang pelayanan publik telah secara luas dilaksanakan oleh Pemkot Surabaya mulai dari sektor pendidikan, kesehatan, perijinan dan berbagai kemudahan lain dalam dunia usaha. Salah satu inovasi pelayanan adalah 'Sapa Warga' berbentuk media center yang disediakan pemerintah untuk mempermudah akses masyarakat terhadap data dan informasi termasuk menyampaikan keluhan pelayanan melalui mekanisme pengaduan sebagai bentuk kontrol masyarakat kepada penyedia jasa.

Sejak diluncurkan, Sapa Warga telah menerima banyak keluhan dan masukan terkait pelayanan oleh pemerintah kota. Media ini telah memudahkan warga memperoleh informasi terbaru terkait layanan. Namun demikian masih banyak masyarakat yang belum 'terakomodasi' dalam system ini. Untuk itu Java Sutra (Jaringan Advokasi dan Transparansi Anggaran) bekerjasama dengan Pemerintah Kota Surabaya berusaha merancang strategi reformasi mekanisme komplain yang lebih inklusif guna memudahkan penyampaian aduan.

Java Sutra merupakan jaringan CSO (civil society organization) yang memiliki perhatian pada permasalahan bidang kesehatan, pendidikan, perempuan, HAM dan anggaran. Upaya mendekatkan mereka yang terpinggirkan oleh sistem dijembatani oleh Java Sutra dengan mempertemukan kelompok ini dengan pemerintah melalui rangkaian audiensi serta workshop untuk mempersamakan persepsi dan pemahaman serta menjalin kerjasama untuk memperbaiki kekurangan sistem 'Sapa Warga' sehingga dapat lebih jauh menjangkau masyarakat.

Beberapa workshop yang diselenggarakan menghadirkan stakeholder terkait misalnya Badan Perencanaan Kota Surabaya, Dinas Kominfo, Dinas Kesehatan, Ombudsman Jawa Timur, Komisi Pelayanan Publik Jawa Timur serta dihadiri kurang lebih 20 jejaring CSO Java Sutra. Rangkaian pertemuan ini menghasilkan rekomendasi yang dapat digunakan sebagai acuan perbaikan layanan, diantaranya adalah : upaya meningkatkan literasi media online; penyediaan wi-fi gratis di tiap RW (rukun warga); menyediakan petugas layanan publik khusus yang dapat merespon langsung keluhan masyarakat di tempat; serta merekrut relawan atau fasilitator yang untuk mengelola unit pengaduan masyarakat. Rekomendasi tersebut secara mengikat harus ditindaklajuti oleh lembaga pemerintah yang berwenang berdasar perjanjian yang dilakukan sebelumnya.

Selama ini penyelesaian aduan yang disampaikan melalui mekanisme complain berhenti pada tingkat dinas teknis pemkot atau SKPD. Misalnya ketika terjadi pungutan liar saat penerimaan sekolah ataupun pada pelayanan kesehatan dasar dan aduan lainnya, keluhan tersebut hanya diterima oleh petugas namun tidak ada mekanisme dimana masyarakat mengetahui sejauh mana tindak lanjut atas keluhan tersebut. Untuk itu perbaikan sistem komplain melalui program online Sapa Warga penting untuk dilaksanakan agar memudahkan mereka yang belum terakomodasi oleh kecepatan perkembangan teknologi di Surabaya dapat ikut memberikan masukan dan menyampaikan keluhan.

Java Sutra memiliki kelebihan dalam hal ketersediaan tenaga ahli karena terdapat sekitar 20 CSO yang tergabung dalam jaringan ini termasuk Prakarsa Jatim. Tiap CSO memiliki jaringan yang kuat dalam komunitas maisng-masing dan keahlian advokasi untuk isu-isu yang berbeda-beda. Selain itu mereka juga memiliki kedekatan yang baik dengan pemerintah sehingga ketika terdapat permasalahan mendesak mereka dapat dengan mudah melakukan komunikasi. Pada satu sisi organisasi sipil masyarakat yang kuat dapat memudahkan pekerjaan pemerintah, namun di sisi lain terdapat banyak organisasi sipil dengan rekam jejak buruk. Java Sutra harus memastikan kredibilitas mereka untuk tetap mendapat kepercayaan pemerintah dan komunitas yang mereka wakili. Close.

Foto: Epskamp

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Dando voz a los barrios: iniciativas institucionales en Cali

Cali, 20 mayo 2015 — La apertura del proceso político a los pobres durante los periodos entre las elecciones constituye un reto para cualquier democracia. La Alcaldía de Cali ha implementado algunas medidas institucionales que buscan dar una voz a las organizaciones comunitarias en las materias relacionadas con los barrios en los que se constituyen. Leer más.

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Dando voz a los barrios: iniciativas institucionales en Cali

Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Cali

La apertura a la ciudadanía de los procesos políticos en los periodos que transcurren entre las elecciones es uno de los grandes retos de las democracias. Demasiado a menudo los políticos una vez elegidos se aíslan e incluso dan la espalda las personas que les eligieron. Resolver este problema no es sencillo: muchos sistemas políticos lo han intentado, con resultados decepcionantes en la mayoría de los casos. Los nuevos canales que se van abriendo son o bien ignorados cuando se convierten en incómodos, o son cooptados por los partidos políticos o grupos de presión poderosos que no tienen ningún interés en que los políticos escuchen la voz del electorado. En estos casos, la única opción de los ciudadanos, especialmente los más pobres, es organizarse para poder obtener, mediante presión, solución incluso a sus necesidades más básicas.

En Colombia ha habido varias iniciativas interesantes de intentos de apertura del sistema político impulsadas desde los distintos gobiernos. Una de ellas fue la creación en 1958 de las Juntas de Acción Vecinal, que actualmente están recogidas en el texto constitucional y siguen jugando un papel muy activo. Las juntas tienen un alcance local, a nivel de barrio, aunque las normas que regulan su forma de funcionamiento y composición han variado de forma significativa con el transcurso del tiempo. Aunque no han estado libres de la presión de los partidos políticos ni de otros grupos, el papel que han jugado se percibe generalmente como positivo. In Cali participan activamente en la elaboración de los planes de desarrollo, y ofrecen su opinión de forma constante en muchas de las iniciativas que afectan a los barrios que representan.

La Alcaldía de Calo ha adoptado medidas adicionales esta aproximación de arriba debajo de la participación ciudadana en el proceso político. Quizá su iniciativa más destacada en este sentido sea la creación de la Asesoría de Participación Ciudadana. Esta oficina ofrece apoyo a todas las organizaciones comunitarias, incluyendo las juntas de acción vecinal. Este apoyo incluye formación –tanto a nivel de la organización como individual--; la creación de un sistema de divulgación de información relevante; la creación de herramientas basadas en web para el uso de los órganos de gestión de las juntas; y el acometer proyectos de investigación sobre los asuntos relacionados con la participación ciudadana en Cali, que son posteriormente publicados en la web.

Un aspecto importante de la forma de trabajo de la Asesoría es que reconoce la necesidad de abrir su alcance a todo tipo de organizaciones, no solo las creadas con apoyo institucional. La influencia de las juntas ha disminuido con el tiempo, al tiempo que ha crecido el de las organizaciones enfocadas a problemas específicos, como el medio ambiente o la comunidad LGBT. De esta forma, prestando apoyo a todas estas organizaciones, la Asesoría incrementa de forma significativa su capacidad de influir positivamente en la apertura del proceso político a aquellos que a menudo quedan excluidos del mismo. Close.

Foto: Alcaldia de Cali

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PORTUGUÊS

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Tecendo redes de cooperação na Maré, um dos maiores complexos de favelas do Rio

Rio de Janeiro, 19 maio 2015 — A Redes de Desenvolvimento da Maré é uma instituição da sociedade civil que articula pessoas e organizações para implementar projetos de transformação estrutural na região. Nesse artigo, seu diretor Edson Diniz fala ao URB.im sobre as soluções que encontrou para dialogar com diferentes agentes sociais e para ter mais agilidade e efetividade em suas ações. Leia mais.

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Tecendo redes de cooperação na Maré, um dos maiores complexos de favelas do Rio

Andréa Azambuja, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

A Maré é um dos maiores complexos de favelas do Rio de Janeiro. Concentra aproximadamente 130 000 habitantes, distribuídos em 16 comunidades com características distintas, mas ligadas por uma lei que as reconhece como um só bairro, e também por uma história conjunta de lutas por permanência, pela carência de direitos fundamentais e pela necessidade de reinventar suas condições de existência. Esse todo multifacetado conquistou uma voz uníssona – potente e mais próxima do conjunto da cidade – em 2007, com o surgimento da Redes de Desenvolvimento da Maré, instituição da sociedade civil que articula pessoas e entidades para implementar projetos de transformação estrutural na região.

Visando o fortalecimento integral, foram inúmeras conquistas: espaços unificados de discussão, jornal, biblioteca, núcleo de pesquisas, de memória, cursos pré-vestibular, profissionalizantes, de idiomas e centros e festivais culturais, para citar alguns. Muito dos êxitos se devem a Edson Diniz, um dos criadores e diretores da instituição (ao lado de três diretoras), que cresceu no bairro com dificuldades e lá vem trabalhando desde os 14 anos, hoje com o título de doutor em Educação pela PUCRJ. A principal qualificação para liderar um movimento de desenvolvimento talvez seja essa: conhecer profundamente as necessidades que representa.

Edson organiza as ações centrais da Redes, é seu porta-voz em diversos contextos e enfrenta diariamente o desafio de associar moradores, lideranças locais, ONGs, empresas privadas e governo. Em entrevista para o URB.im, destacou as principais dificuldades encontradas: ao negociar com o Estado, é obrigado a combater comportamentos autoritários, indiferença e relações clientelistas (oferecimento de cargos na "máquina", postos de assessoria, "presentes", etc.); ao atuar na sociedade civil, precisa mobilizar a comunidade para causas coletivas e manejar uma miríade de interesses — "A falta de acesso das lideranças a maior qualificação educacional e política também atravanca muitos processos. Em geral, isso é compensado pela abnegação e pelo trabalho incansável, mas mesmo assim faz falta", completa.

Para superar obstáculos, Edson aprimorou uma habilidade política com mecanismos práticos. Em primeiro lugar, define sua agenda equilibrando atentamente dois tipos de interlocuções: "Com agentes sociais, as conversas têm um caráter de articulação — delimitação de demandas, debates e acúmulo de forças. Frente ao governo, minha atuação é voltada a garantir direitos, investimentos públicos e ações para benefício dos cidadãos — ocupo e amplio espaços de diálogo/pressão", esclarece. Independente do cenário, seus valores pessoais e objetivos determinam o limite, tudo que passar por cima deles tem que ser rejeitado – "assim mantenho o controle das diferentes situações", diz.

Prioridades determinam as pautas, formuladas e estudadas previamente a qualquer tipo de encontro (debates, reuniões, palestras...), partindo sempre das necessidades mais urgentes da Maré. Os compromissos assumidos são cobrados de forma coordenada por equipes organizadas de acordo com um organograma claro, elaborado após o estudo da estrutura ideal. Os funcionários são distribuídos em cinco setores — formação, mobilização social, comunicação, monitoramento & avaliação e administrativo financeiro — e trabalham em cinco eixos de atuação: desenvolvimento local, educação, arte & cultura, comunicação e segurança pública. Edson e as diretoras acompanham todas as esferas de perto, apontando caminhos e garantindo a transversalidade das ações.

As Redes de Desenvolvimento da Maré atende diretamente quase 4.000 indivíduos (hoje mais unidos em suas particularidades e generalidades), mobilizando diferentes segmentos da sociedade. Um desafio expressivamente mais fácil quando se trabalha de forma cooperativa, organizada, transparente, "cuidando das crianças e dos jovens, trocando experiências e conhecimentos, promovendo a mobilização, o protagonismo, a autonomia, a superação de estereótipos e a consciência de que a nossa missão individual é uma missão comum, nós somos o outro", sabiamente conclui. Close.

Foto 1: Maré / Crédito: Jornal Extra. Foto 2: Jornal da Maré. Foto 3: Prova de seleção para curso pré-vestibular gratuito na Maré / Crédito: Rosilene Miliotti.

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A talk show radio programme and enumerations in Malawi

Lilongwe, 18 May 2015 — Without platforms to project their voice, the urban poor suffer in silence. A radio programme and enumeration-driven Community Strategic Plans in Malawi are challenging power and putting urban poverty issues in sharp focus for action. See more.

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A talk show radio programme and enumerations in Malawi

Wonderful Hunga, Lilongwe Community Manager

The voice of the urban poor in Malawi has been mute in the public sphere for so long. As a predominantly rural and agrarian-based economy, development discourse in the country has largely focussed on rural development. Urban issues have only come into the limelight in government's efforts to stem urbanisation to reduce rural-urban migration. Owing to this context, it has been increasingly difficult for the urban poor to project their issues to warrant prioritization or even consideration on the government development agenda.

However, things have now begun to change. The urban poor are getting organised through movements such as the Federation of the Rural and Urban Poor. Through their work, the Federation is working with informal settlements in all four main cities of Malawi. The Federation works in partnership with the Centre for Community Organisation and Development (CCODE), a local NGO.

The Federation mobilises local communities to conduct enumeration surveys and uses them to develop Community Strategic Plans (CSPs), which list priorities of the communities. The communities organise meetings with stakeholders in the city, where they get to share their findings and plans. The CSPs have also become a tool for engaging other government agencies. The communities have produced booklets of the CSPs, which they share widely with various agencies. They use the CSP booklets as conversation currency in pushing for their demands. For communities with CSPs, the booklets present their shopping list.

Besides the CSP, a monthly radio programme called Public Square provides space for the urban power and institutions that support them. A local research consulting firm called The Research Institute (TRI), formerly the Urban Research Institute, runs a monthly two-hour radio programme called Public Square (previously called Urban Talks) on Zodiak, a popular station in Malawi.

The Public Square carefully selects topics usually based on preliminary research by TRI. TRI then invites panelists, and collaborators for funding. The composition of the panel includes one or two slum residents, a government official, a service provider, a community leader, and sometimes a member of civil society. Besides the panelists, there is also an invited audience member drawn from the informal settlements of the city.

Through the Public Square, the urban poor have a chance to interact with government institutions and put across their demands to duty-bearers. This approach seems to be yielding results. For example, in one Public Square, a discussion around water supply in the informal settlements involved the CEO of Lilongwe Water Board. The audience was able to put across their concerns on water supply, which the CEO acted upon.

The Public Square has also brought politicians like Members of Parliament onto its panel. This has created awareness of the situations in the informal settlements among the politicians. In a previous Public Square entitled "Addressing Urban Growth in Creating a Resilient Malawi," participants bemoaned the absence of a Parliamentary Committee responsible for urban development and delays in the enactment of various urban-development policies. An MP, who was part of the panel, offered herself to table a Private Members Bill, which will address these issues, with the support of TRI, CCODE, and other like-minded agencies. Close.

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ARABIC

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"شبابنا يقدر": مبادرة تشاركية لتمكين الشباب في محافظة القاهرة

Cairo, 15 May 2015 — "شبابنا يقدر" مبادرة تشاركية أطلقتها وزارتي الإسكان والشباب في مصر كي يتم تمكين شباب القاهرة وتفعيل دورهم كأفراد مؤثرين على مستوى اتخاذ السياسات... اقرأ المزيد عن ذلك

ARABIC

ENGLISH

"شبابنا يقدر": مبادرة تشاركية لتمكين الشباب في محافظة القاهرة

Shaima Abulhajj, Cairo Community Manager

تعاني مصر من الزيادة السكانية حيث أنها واحدة من أكثر الدول اكتظاظا بالسكان في الشرق الأوسط. ويعيش حوالي 82.5 مليون شخص تقريبا في عدد قليل من المدن فيها: القاهرة، الإسكندرية وبعض المدن الأخرى على ضفاف النيل. ويشكل الشباب ما يُقدر بحوالي ربع السكان، غير أنهم نادرا ما يشاركون في صنع القرار أو يتعاونون مع الحكومة لحل المشكلات أو حل القضايا التي تواجهها البلاد.

وطالما شارك المجتمع المدني المصري مع الحكومة كي يدعم دور الشباب في الحياة الاجتماعية والسياسية ويزيد مشاركتهم بوصفهم عناصر فاعلة على صعيد الحياة العامة، حتى يتم تعزيز مشاركتهم في العمل المدني. ومن ثم تم تنفيذ العديد من البرامج مثل مشروع "دعم المشاركة السياسية للشباب" والذي أطلقته مؤسسة نهوض وتنمية المرأة ADEW بالتعاون مع المجلس الثقافي البريطاني في مصر وشركاء آخرين لكي يتم تدريب الشباب المحليين للمشاركة في الانتخابات وتعزيز مشاركتهم السياسية.

وبالنسبة للشباب في محافظة القاهرة أطلقت وزارة السكان في أواخر عام 2013 مبادرة "شبابنا يقدر". ويهدف المشروع إلى تنمية وتطوير بعض المناطق العشوائية أو القديمة في القاهرة والجيزة، لكي يتم أخيرا تنمية وتطوير 4 أحياء بإجمالي 102 شارع بواسطة الشباب أنفسهم.

وتكمن ميزة هذا المشروع فيما يلي: أولاً أنه يضم الكثير من الشركاء مثل وزارة التنمية المحلية ووزارة البيئة ووزارة الشباب فضلا عن بعض الشركات وإتحاد المقاولين المصريين والكثير من منظمات المجتمع المدني، حيث يعمل الجميع لتحقيق هدف واحد يتمثل في تنمية وتمكين الشباب الذين يعيشون في القاهرة حيث أن المشاركة المجتمعية في حد ذاتها تعد حجر الأساس لتحسين مستوى المعيشة في المناطق المستهدفة ودعم أدوار الشباب في التنمية المحلية. وثانيا فـإن المشروع يتطلب متطوعين من الشباب أنفسهم كي يشاركوا آرائهم فيما يخص المناطق المستهدفة واحتياجاتها والأدوات المطلوبة وطرق التطوير لأخذ آرائهم في الاعتبار ومراعاة وجهات النظر المختلفة بهدف تعزيز ثقتهم بأنفسهم.

وفي إطار هذا المشروع، يعمل الشباب يدا بيد مع شركاء مختارين لتنفيذ أعمال النظافة وصيانة أرصفة الشوارع والإنارة والتشجير والطلاء في المناطق المحددة. وقد تبرع إتحاد المقاولون بالميزانية الأولية للمشروع، فيما تشمل المناطق المستهدفة منطقة إمبابة والزيتون والعجوزة من بين الكثير من المناطق في المراحل المقبلة.

ومن ناحية أخرى تمكنت وزارة الشباب من توظيف 250 شاب متطوع في تلك المبادرة وتم تقديم ملابس رسمية للعمل إليهم وأدوات تعينهم على بدء العمل مع المقاولين كي يصبحوا بذلك شركاء أكثر من مجرد مستفيدين مما يعزز شعور الانتماء لديهم في تلك المبادرة الشاملة.

وعلاوة على ذلك فقد تبنت عدة قنوات إعلامية وتلفزيونية مثل قناة سي بي سي الشهيرة مسؤولية متابعة أعمال المشروع طوال مدته، حيث لا يجهل أحد أهمية الإعلام في تعزيز ودعم مشاركة الشباب في مثل تلك المشروعات الوطنية لتنمية المناطق التي يعيشون فيها كي يكونوا مساهمين ومشاركين فاعلين في مجتمعهم بطريقة تعزز مهاراتهم وقدراتهم كمتخذي قرار.

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Photo: Mohamed Adel

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ENGLISH

How Mumbai's street vendors set off a nationwide movement

Mumbai, 14 May 2015 — Street vendors are ubiquitous in Indian cities. They provide a variety of goods and services, from shoe polishing to fruits and vegetables. Yet in Mumbai, street vendors are largely illegal, since the city limits the number of hawking licenses to just 15,000. In order to fight for their right to their livelihood, hawkers' unions have formed a federation to represent vendors' needs at the highest level. Now, 888 street vendors' unions from across the country have joined forces to push forward an agenda to protect street vendors in India. See more.

ENGLISH

How Mumbai's street vendors set off a nationwide movement

Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

Hawkers are the lifeblood of Mumbai. Outside office buildings, shirt-and-tied workers pop down to the street vendors for tea, snacks, and lunch. Vibrant street markets with fruit and vegetable stalls bring the products of large supermarkets into local neighborhoods. Street vendors not only make cities more vibrant, but also provide much-need goods and services at affordable prices and with great convenience.

Despite this, street vendors are often seen as a nuisance. In Mumbai, they are largely illegal, even though many of them may have worked in the same stretch for decades. There are an estimated 250,000 hawkers in the city, but the municipal corporation only has 15,000 registered licenses. The number of hawkers in the city soared after the city's textile mills shut down and workers were left to find alternative employment. Out of necessity, many started a small street-side business.

Although hawkers are the city's working poor, their illegal status makes them vulnerable to regular bribery, harassment, and sudden eviction. Mumbai's hawkers unions have made many strides in their decades of work to regularize vendors and to get civil society, the municipal corporation, and the police to see them as valuable contributors to the city. But there are still many hurdles.

Imam Haider, general secretary of All India Trade Union Committee's Hawkers' union, says in the Alternative, "We want that the BMC create proper hawking and non-hawking zones in the city in accordance to the hawking population in the city. It has been 27 years since that SC order. However, Mumbai still lacks of a hawking policy. People living in slums before 1995 are considered legal residents. However, the hawkers here have always been illegal."

In order to push these issues at the city and state level, 40 different hawkers' unions from across Mumbai have come together to form the Pheriwala Action Committee. The federation has elected representatives from the various participating unions and sets out a common agenda to lobby for hawkers' rights at the state level. Similar committees have been set up in other states, including Karnataka. The growing network of state-level federations have joined an even larger force at the national level to effect change in the lives of street vendors at the highest levels.

The National Association of Street Vendors of India (NASVI) is a federation of 888 street vendor organizations from 23 states. NASVI has been advocating for securing the livelihood of street vendors and successfully pushed for a National Policy for Street Vendors, which was passed in 2004. More recently, the federation gained a big win for hawkers with the Central Act for Street Vendors in 2014. NASVI is now advocating for implementation of the act.

The fight for street vendors' rights has been one that has grown in strength and numbers but is fed by understanding the unique needs of the various hawkers' unions in cities across India. The city-level network has been key in voicing the local needs of Mumbai's street vendors and will continue to play an important role in checking that national policies and acts are enforced at the ground level, ensuring that street vendors across the city have the right to their livelihood and a right to the city. Close.

Photo: Francisco Martins

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ENGLISH

Innovations in legal empowerment education and land rights for the urban poor

Nairobi, 13 May 2015 — Nairobi may be one of the hot urban real estate markets to watch for high-end and boutique investors, but tackling the disenfranchisement resulting from land-grabs faced by marginalized communities remains the battleground for one Kenyan organization dedicated to providing legal services to the poor. See more.

ENGLISH

Innovations in legal empowerment education and land rights for the urban poor

Hilary Nicole Zainab Ervin, Nairobi Community Manager

The land scramble in Africa has been going on for decades. Over the past 10 years the capture of prime real estate in Nairobi and across Kenya has been the source of widespread protests, civil disputes, and brutal police reprisals. In late January the country and international community watched in shock as police used tear gas on school children attempting to occupy their playground, which had been grabbed by a developer during the holiday season.

Though the dispute over this particular plot of land has diminished from public view, in light of the recent terrorist attacks against students at Garissa University the insecurity faced by millions of Nairobians remains a source of constant worry and stress. In a country with one lawyer to every 5,000 individuals, it is often difficult for low-income Kenyans to access even the most basic of legal services. In many instances, impoverished individuals can be imprisoned without access to representation or the information necessary to make appeals.

Founded in 1973, the Kituo Cha Sheria Legal Advice Centre began operating with a mission to empower poor and marginalized people to effectively access justice and enjoy human rights. Today the organization operates six justice centers and facilitates legal empowerment education and training courses in three prisons. Many of the clients they take on lack the ability to cover transport costs to their offices, let alone hire legal representation adequate to protect their rights.

The Centre utilizes a pro bono network of lawyers and paralegals that operate to provide education and legal services. Kituo has four primary program areas: Legal Aid and Education, Advocacy Governance and Community, Forced Migration Programme, and Research Communication and Documentation. They advance pro-poor legislation at the local and national level, represent indigent persons facing illegal encroachment on their land, and provide criminal defense. The organization specifically focuses on civil disputes related to land, labor and housing for individual and group clients.

Kituo has represented thousands of clients and successfully advocated on their behalf to stop illegal land encroachment and predatory development, protect indigent citizens facing criminal and civil charges for attempting to secure rights to their property, individuals who have been terminated from their employer without compensation for work, and those who have been forcibly evicted by wealthy private and public interests.

The struggle for land rights, housing security and employment protection are common challenges for millions in Kenyan. Nairobi's land scramble continues to evolve, and a rare victory was won by the #OccupyPlayground school children in Lanagta. However, without increased education and empowerment initiatives like those provided by the dedicated professionals at Kituo, many marginalized and low-income individuals will continue to lack an understanding of their rights and the avenues to exercise them. For the thousands who have heard of and contacted Kituo, the struggle is no longer being fought alone. Close.

Photo: Brian Ingana

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VIETNAMESE

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Từ câu chuyện công nhân Pou Yuen đình công phản đối Luật Bảo hiểm mới: Nhìn về vai trò cầu nối của Công đoàn

Ho Chi Minh City, 12 Tháng Năm 2015 — Ngày 02/04/2015 đánh dấu sự kết thúc của cuộc đình công kéo dài 1 tuần liền của hơn 90.000 lao động tại nhà máy sản xuất Pou Yuen, một sự kiện hiếm thấy tại Việt Nam. Cuộc đình công xảy ra khi công nhân bắt đầu phản ứng với Luật Bảo hiểm Xã hội (BHXH) 2014 không cho phép người tham gia được hưởng BHXH 1 lần, và đình công kết thúc với thỏa hiệp từ cả hai phía. Xem thêm.

VIETNAMESE

ENGLISH

Từ câu chuyện công nhân Pou Yuen đình công phản đối Luật Bảo hiểm mới: Nhìn về vai trò cầu nối của Công đoàn

Tam Nguyen, Người quản lý cộng đồng tại thành phố Hồ Chí Minh

Ngày 02/04/2015 đánh dấu sự kết thúc của cuộc đình công kéo dài 1 tuần liền của hơn 90.000 lao động tại nhà máy sản xuất Pou Yuen, một sự kiện hiếm thấy tại Việt Nam. Cuộc đình công xảy ra khi công nhân bắt đầu phản ứng với Luật Bảo hiểm Xã hội (BHXH) 2014 không cho phép người tham gia được hưởng BHXH 1 lần, và đình công kết thúc với thỏa hiệp từ cả hai phía.

Công nhân: hoang mang tìm kiếm tiếng nói

Trước đây, người lao động trả phí bảo hiểm hàng tháng vào Quỹ BHXH, và được thanh toán trọn gói khi nghỉ việc với số tiền tương đương với số tiền bảo hiểm đã đóng.

Theo Luật BHXH 2014, bắt đầu có hiệu lực vào năm sau, người đóng bảo hiểm sẽ chỉ được nhận tiền khi nghỉ hưu, và chỉ được nhận từng phần hàng tháng thay vì trọn gói như hiện nay.

Luật BHXH 2014 vấp phải phản ứng ngay lập tức từ phần lớn các công nhân lao động nặng, hầu hết trong số họ thường nghỉ hưu sớm trước tuổi quy định do cường độ công việc quá nặng nhọc. "Hầu hết công nhân trực tiếp sản xuất như chúng tôi đều ở quê ra nên mong muốn tích góp chút đỉnh để về quê mua con bò, miếng đất... Thế nên, bấy lâu nay chúng tôi mặc định, BHXH 1 lần là tiền tiết kiệm của chúng tôi, có thể rút ra bất kỳ lúc nào. Vậy nên, khi mới nghe qua Luật BHXH mới sẽ không cho hưởng BHXH 1 lần nữa mà phải đợi đến tuổi hưu, chúng tôi đã đình công phản ứng," chị Bích vân – một công nhân của Pou Yuen – chia sẻ.

Công đoàn: cầu nối quan trọng

Ngay sau khi cuộc đình công xảy ra vào ngày 26/3, Công đoàn Công ty Pou Yuen Việt Nam đã phối hợp với Ban giám đốc Công ty để thu thập ý kiến người lao động và gửi đến UBND quận Bình Tân. Ngày 28/3, vụ việc đã được trình lên Tổng LĐLĐ VIệt Nam. Ngày 31/3, một cuộc đối thoại mở được tổ chức giữa công nhân Công ty Pou Yuen Việt Nam và ông Doãn Mậu Dịch, thứ trưởng Bộ Lao động - Thương binh và Xã hội. Thứ trưởng đã lắng nghe đại diện công nhân, cũng như giải thích ý định của chính phủ mong muốn chuyển đổi các chương trình phúc lợi thất nghiệp hiện tại theo hướng quỹ tiết kiệm hưu trí, nhằm giúp cho người lao động có cuộc sống đảm bảo hơn sau khi nghỉ hưu.

Ngày 1/4, một số điều chỉnh của Luật BHXH 2014 để phù hợp hơn với người lao động đã được trình lên Quốc hội, đề xuất việc cho phép người lao động có thể tuỳ chọn nhận tiền bảo hiểm định kỳ hàng tháng sau khi nghỉ hưu hoặc nhận BHXH 1 lần như hiện nay.

Trong khi nhiều ý kiến phê bình và quan sát viên khẳng định rằng các phản ứng nhanh chóng từ phía chính phủ là do nhu cầu hiện tại của Việt Nam cần phải thu hút nhiều nhà đầu tư nước ngoài, thế nhưng vai trò của Công đoàn các cấp, cả ở cấp đơn vị và cấp quốc gia, trong việc thúc đẩy đối thoại nhanh, hiệu quả, hợp quy chế giữa nhà nước và công nhân là rất đáng coi trọng. Nếu không có Công đoàn tiến hành thông tin lên các cấp chính quyền cao hơn và tổ chức các cuộc đối thoại mở giữa hai bên, sự việc rất có thể đã nghiêm trọng và kéo dài hơn thay vì một cuộc đình công tương đối hòa bình trong vòng một tuần và kết thúc với thỏa hiệp từ hai phía. Nếu đình công kéo dài, người chịu thiệt thòi cuối cùng sẽ vẫn là người lao động.

Tuy nhiên, Công đoàn vẫn cần phải tích cực hơn nữa trong việc cập nhật các thay đổi của Luật lao động cũng như ý kiến công nhân, từ đó có thể trao đổi với cả hai phía trước cả khi công nhân bắt đầu hoang mang đi tìm tiếng nói. Nhiều hơn việc chỉ là một chiếc cầu nối, Công đoàn nên thực sự làm một đại diện luôn biết lắng nghe của người lao động. Close.

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ENGLISH

Speaking on behalf of the voiceless

Lagos, 11 May 2015 — Economic and social justice is a right of every individual, but vulnerable groups often become marginalized. See how Lagos-based SERAP is championing the cause of such groups through legal actions and advocacy. See more.

ENGLISH

Speaking on behalf of the voiceless

Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

Despite extreme poverty and glaring incidences of injustice, it is difficult to imagine a situation where the voices of vulnerable populations are not taken into consideration for public action. However, this is the case more often than not in developing countries like Nigeria and in bustling cities such as Lagos. In "The Nature of Poverty," Margaret Haswell wrote that "what might be unpleasant or personally demanding, but is not actually seen, is often ignored." This rings true for most, but one organization in Lagos, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), is defying this norm. The mission of this civil society organization is to not ignore unpleasant situations, but to advance the voice of vulnerable groups and those suffering from injustices through personal and organizational commitment.

SERAP's program is dedicated to promoting transparency and accountability, increasing the legal protection for economic and social rights, and securing respect for these rights. This Lagos-based organization has achieved success by focusing their programs on three areas: Research and Publications, Monitoring and Advocacy, and Litigation and Legal Services. Through these verticals, the organization works to promote transparency and accountability in government, and to promote, protect, and ensure respect for economic and social rights for every individual, based on Nigerian laws. The organization also promotes social and cultural rights, provides legal advice and assistance, and seeks indemnities for the victims of violations of economic and social rights. Finally, they work to educate the population about their economic and social rights, especially the most vulnerable, which includes women, workers, the poor, and children.

The monitoring and advocacy vertical actively solicits change by combining publicity, lobbying, grassroots mobilization and campaigns, and demanding accountability from the government with respect to economic and social rights violations and non-enforcement of anti-corruption laws and standards. In 2007, due to the lack of access to affordable and quality healthcare for millions of Nigerians, SERAP launched a public petition campaign on access to healthcare for poor women and children, which has received extensive media coverage and significant public support. Through its various focus areas, SERAP champions the cause of poor and vulnerable groups at a national scale, using their expertise to amplify their voices and bring their plight to the fore. Close.

Photo: The Advocacy Project

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PERSIAN

ENGLISH

کارگران نماینده واقعی می خواهند

Tehran, 8 May 2015 — سندیکای کارگران شرکت اتوبوسرانی تهران و حومه» یکی از تلاشهای مهم کارگران برای داشتن صدای سیاسی مستقل در ایران است. جایی که هر نوع تشکل کارگری مستقل ممنوع است. کارگران برای داشتن نماینده واقعی خود تلاش کردند و هزینه های زیادی در این راه داده اند. ادامه مطلب.

PERSIAN

ENGLISH

کارگران نماینده واقعی می خواهند

مریم امیری

Maryam Amiri, Tehran Community Manager

کارگران که در ایران همواره از فقیرترین اقشار جامعه بوده اند، به نوعی بی صداترین گروه نیز هستند. اندکی پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران در سال 1357، همه تشکلهای کارگری ملغی اعلام شد و جای آنها را «شوراهای اسلامی کار» گرفت که کاملا دولتی بودند. به همین دلیل است که هر ساله، زمانی که شورای تعیین حداقل دستمزد برگزار میشود، نماینده کارگران آنقدر ضعیف است که قدرت چانه زنی با نماینده کارفرمایان و نماینده دولت را ندارد و حداقل دستمزد در ایران حداقل نیازهای یک خانواده کارگری را نمیتواند پاسخ دهد.

تجربه «سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد تهران و حومه» مثال خوب و موفقی است از تلاش کارگران برای مقاومت در برابر چنین شرایطی. چگونه اين كارگران براي پيشبرد خواستههاي خود دست به ايجاد تشكلي بدون مجوز دولت و كارفرما زده و براي اين هدف چه مراحلي را طي كرده و با چه مشكلات و موانعي روبرو شده اند.

رانندهگان شركت واحد از اقشار پركار و كمدرآمد شهر تهران هستند. اكثريت آنها مستأجر هستند و در حاشيههاي تهران زندگي ميكنند؛ اين كارگران، روزانه هزاران نفر را در سطح شهر تهران جابهجا ميكنند، آنهم در شرايط غيراستاندارد آلودگي هوا، آلودگي صوتي، ترافيك و بسیاری معضلات دیگر این شهر و به همين دليل است که این کار را در دستهی «مشاغل سخت و زیانآور» قرار دادهاند. رانندهگان تمام ساعتهای كاریشان را به صورت مفید کار میکنند اما در عوض از كمترين حقوق و مزايا بهرهمند هستند.

تنها نماینده سیاسی این کارگران، مانند کارگران دیگر در ایران، تشکلی شبه دولتی به نام «شورای اسلامی کار» بود. کارگران برای انتخاب نمایندگان خود در این شورا حق انتخاب چندانی نداشتند و در عمل کسانی که از فیلترهای دولت عبور میکردند و موفق میشدند در شورا نماینده شوند، بیش از هر چیز پیگیر منافع شخصی خودشان بودند.

سندیکای کارگران شرکت واحد، برای اولین بار در سال 1347 شکل گرفته بود و پس از انقلاب 1357 منحل شد. اواخر سال 1383 بود که دو نفر از کارگران این شرکت (اسنلو و مددی) با استناد بر مقاولهنامههای ۸۷ و ۹۸ سازمان بينالمللیکار - که آزادی تشکلهای کارگری و پیمانهای دستهجمعی را برای کشورهای عضو این سازمان الزامی میداند – تصمیم گرفتند که با آگاهسازی و عضوگيري از رانندهگان و كارگران، اقدام به بازگشایي سنديكاي کارگران شركت واحد کنند. آنان در ابتدا شروع کردند به برگزاری کلاسهای آموزشی که کارگران را نسبت به حقوق خود آگاه می¬کرد. فعالیت های چهره به چهره برای عضوگیری نیز همزمان ادامه داشت. سرانجام علی رغم همه موانعی که دولت و پلیس ایجاد کردند، نخستین مجمع عمومی سندیکا در خرداد 84 (ژوئن 2005) برگزار شد. این سندیکا تا به امروز توانسته چند اعتصاب موفق ساماندهی کند. هرچند بسیاری از اعضای هیئت مدیره سندیکا بارها بازداشت شدند و چندین کارگر نیز از کار اخراج شدند. علی رغم همه دشواریها، مبارزه کارگران شرکت واحد، الهام بخش سایر کارگان در واحدهای خدماتی و صنعتی دیگر برای تشکیل سندیکا و برخورداری از نمایندگان واقعی و انتخابی شد.
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Photo: Rahekargar and Kalame

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Mecanismos de inclusión de los pobres en la agenda pública del DF

Mexico D.F., 7 mayo 2015 — Existen mecanismos de inclusión de los pobres en la agenda pública en el DF. Desde el gobierno, el presupuesto participativo satisface las necesidades locales de la población en cuanto a la seguridad y vías públicas. Desde la vía de la lucha social, existe un movimiento que busca proteger los derechos de los pobres. Leer más.

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Mecanismos de inclusión de los pobres en la agenda pública del DF

María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

En el Distrito Federal existen diferentes mecanismos por parte del gobierno para que la población haga valer su opinión e interés en las políticas públicas. Un ejemplo de esto es la representación de las personas a través de los Comités Vecinales, los habitantes de cada delegación votan por las necesidades más apremiantes para que sean incluidas en el ejercicio del presupuesto del gobierno local. A través de este presupuesto participativo, la población sugiere y decide a que problemática se le invertirá el presupuesto. Este principio de participación en la asignación de recursos es una herramienta muy buena para considerar las necesidades locales como parte de las políticas públicas; el presupuesto participativo contempla el dos por ciento del presupuesto asignado al gobierno local para los rubros de seguridad pública y vía pública. Este mecanismo de participación ciudadana presenta retos para ser incluyente de las personas más marginadas o los más pobres dado que las propuestas del proyecto están ligadas con los servicios de la colonia; a los cuales la gente que vive en condiciones de pobreza extrema no tienen acceso.

Desde otra trinchera más revolucionaria en el DF, está presente el Movimiento Antorchista Nacional, conocido como "Antorcha Campesina" que llevan a cabo esfuerzos para representar la voz de los pobres y lucha por sus derechos frente a las agendas políticas. Esta organización está cimentada en la demanda de los derechos sociales a través de la lucha social; es reconocida por su presencia en mítines y marchas y representa un interlocutor fuerte para el gobierno local, debido al nivel de cohesión social en la lucha. Antorcha Campesina se llama así misma como una asociación gestora de los pobres; dentro de su lucha, el pasado marzo del 2015 logró la entrega de viviendas a familias integrantes del movimiento en la unidad habitacional Aquiles Córdova Morán en la delegación de Azcapotzalco. Dicha colonia fue fundada hace diez años como resultado de los esfuerzos y demandas durante 15 años que el movimiento gestionó frente a las autoridades locales para obtener viviendas. Desde su fundación, en los últimos diez años, los antorchistas han logrado obtener servicios por parte del gobierno para 193 familias como: redes de drenaje, agua potable, energía eléctrica, pavimentación, escuelas, canchas, arco-techos y módulos de vigilancia. Hoy en día, se benefician más de 2000 personas que anteriormente habitaban en viviendas sin condiciones dignas.

A pesar del tiempo que el movimiento tomó para lograr resultados para los beneficiarios, los integrantes antorchistas declaran su compromiso con la organización para la lucha por los derechos de los pobres; de manera que sea un actor e interlocutor que se enfrenta al gobierno para ejercer la igualdad de los pobres en la agenda pública. Close.

Foto: Jesus perez

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Redes de relacionamentos digitais e interpessoais impulsionam o desenvolvimento do Paraná

Curitiba, 6 maio 2015 — Rede Cidade Digital é um projeto que estimula o uso de tecnologias de comunicação para integrar cidadãos, organizações e governo na promoção social. Neste artigo, entenda como a iniciativa funciona na prática e conheça José Marinho, seu criador e diretor, um articulador por profissão. Leia mais.

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Redes de relacionamentos digitais e interpessoais impulsionam o desenvolvimento do Paraná

Andréa Azambuja, Coordenadora da Rede em Curitiba

Promover políticas sociais e conquistar parceiros para protagonizar mudanças é um desafio enorme, mesmo na era digital. Enquanto a rede de computadores encurta distâncias, bilhares ainda não têm acesso à internet (60 por cento da população mundial), e ferramentas como Facebook e Twitter favorecem o ativismo difuso, sem aplicações práticas e, consequentemente, inócuo.

Ciente de que não há desenvolvimento sem informação e cooperação — e determinado a impulsionar a evolução do Paraná — o jornalista e mestre em Comunicação José Marinho decidiu batalhar pela inclusão digital, e também criar também um networking coordenado de partilha de conhecimentos e formação de alianças. Assim, em 2012, surgiu a Rede Cidade Digital (RCD), projeto que estimula o uso de tecnologias de comunicação para integrar cidadãos, organizações e governo na promoção social.

Marinho começou sua missão em 2006, quando ajudou a estabelecer, em Curitiba, a Rede de Participação Política, ação da Federação das Indústrias do Estado do Paraná para estimular a cidadania e o debate apartidário. Bairro por bairro, promovia encontros entre moradores para ajudá-los a assumir responsabilidades, executar soluções e interferir na administração local coletivamente.

Ao notar que precisaria envolver diretamente o poder público e o empresariado, passou a realizar congressos em todo o estado com o tema Cidades Digitais. Entendendo a importância do assunto, em 2013, mais de 1.000 de prefeitos, vereadores, secretários, líderes em diversos setores e 47 entidades participaram e contribuíram para a realização dos eventos.

Da sensibilização de lideranças e formação de parcerias consolidou-se a teia de relacionamentos da RCD, que articula coligações e a construção de suportes tecnológicos para estruturar a gestão pública e aproximá-la dos indivíduos. Isso abrange organizar fóruns (com civis e autoridades administrativas), aprimorar o atendimento eletrônico do governo, o compartilhamento de dados e aproximar secretarias numa base conjunta de atuação (implementando sistemas digitais de gestão claros, práticos e unificados), massificar o acesso gratuito à internet e estimular seu uso efetivo, entre outras atividades. Marinho está no meio de todas.

O Vila Torres Digital, que leva conexão banda larga grátis a mais de 700 habitantes, ilustra. Primeiro, um clube de mães procurou o governo para reivindicar o sinal grátis num bairro da capital. Na falta de um programa oficial que resolvesse o caso com agilidade, indicaram a RCD. Link feito, Marinho buscou apoio a Telecom, conseguiu o sinal e, além disso, procurou aliados para treinar e capacitar moradores (na sede das mães), doar máquinas e construir um site (da hospedagem ao conteúdo), que agora concentra informações sobre serviços, eventos locais e expõe as potencialidades da região.

"Atuo como articulador de forças para materializar projetos que, isoladamente, não prosperariam. Como o Vila Torres, outras associações me procuram, e dou suporte, faço pontes. Não é fácil convencer empresas privadas, instituições, de que pessoas em vulnerabilidade precisam ter alcance a mecanismos que permitam que elas mesmas ajudem a trilhar os caminhos do futuro. Quando os diferentes segmentos compreendem a importância de trabalhar em conjunto, as articulações ficam mais fáceis", explica.

Talvez o que mais falte na luta pelo desenvolvimento social seja mesmo criar elos; somar esforços beneficia todos e gera espaços para a sociedade se posicionar e atuar. Marinho reconheceu a lacuna e agiu. "Somente com a prosperidade dos indivíduos ocorrerá o progresso do local. Fico feliz por contribuir com as comunidades, agora melhor amparadas e mais cientes dos seus direitos como cidadãos e possibilidades. Paralelamente, é uma satisfação ver gente do governo, de organizações, de entidades, da academia... sair de um estado de letargia e entender, finalmente, que as decisões que impactam não devem ser tomadas de cima para baixo. Precisamos fomentar essa nova dinâmica de participação", concluí. Close.

Foto: Marinho (na frente, à esquerda) oficializa apoio do Conselho de Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Paraná (CAU/ PR) ao Congresso Paranaense de Cidades Digitais. Crédito: Rede Cidade Digital.

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Penyambung aspirasi kelompok terpinggirkan perkotaan

Jakarta, 5 Mei 2015 — Proses pengambilan keputusan dalam sistem pembangunan kerap meninggalkan kelompok minoritas perkotaan. Suara mereka kerap tidak didengar oleh wakil raykat mereka di Parlemen dan pemerintah daerah. Keberadaan Forum Warga Kota Jakarta (Fakta) menjadi jembatan penghubung mereka kepada para pengambil keputusan di tingkat parlemen dan pemerintah kota. Baca lebih lanjut.

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Penyambung aspirasi kelompok terpinggirkan perkotaan

Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

Permasalahan kota merupakan tanggung jawab bersama untuk menyelesaikannya. Dalam teori partisipasi oleh Sherry R Arnstein kita mengenal delapan tangga partisipasi ("ladder of participation") yang mencakup tingkat terendah, manipulasi, dan tingkat tertinggi, kontrol oleh masyarakat ("citizen control"). Tingkat partisipasi ini tergantung, salah satunya, pada tersedianya saluran politik yang diberikan pemerintah melalui mekanisme musyawarah bersama yang menghadirkan stakeholder pembangunan. Namun dalam pelaksanaannya, mekanisme perencanaan masih bersifat formalitas dan kerap terjadi diskriminasi terhadap kelompok miskin dan minoritas yang dianggap tidak mampu menyuarakan aspirasinya. Akibatnya mereka kerap teralienasi dalam wilayah politik pengambilan keputusan. Untuk itu peran forum seperti Forum Warga Kota Jakarta (FAKTA) bisa digunakan sebagai alternative untuk menyuarakan kepentingan warga yang terlupakan oleh pemerintah dan wakilnya di parlemen.

Fakta dibentuk pada tahun 2000 untuk menjadi Dewan Kota Alternatif yang diharapkan mampu menjadi 'corong' bersuaranya kelompok miskin dan terpinggirkan di kota Jakarta. Organisasi ini dibentuk oleh beberapa orang yang disatu sisi prihatin terhadap kondisi masyarakat miskin perkotaan dan di sisi lain memiliki idealisme untuk ikut mendorong Jakarta menjadi kota yang lebih transparan dan partisipatif. Beragam isu yang diangkat oleh Fakta misalnya terkait tata kota, pelayanan publik, penataan kampung miskin, transportasi, penggusuran, banjir dan lingkungan hidup. Aktivitas Fakta sendiri mencakup advokasi kebijakan publik, kampanye, upaya litigasi, membuat radio komunitas serta pengorganisasian massa untuk memastikan isu yang diangkat mendapat suara dan di dengar oleh para pengambil kebijakan.

Keberadaan Fakta telah memberikan angin segar bagi kelompok minoritas perkotaan karena selain menampung aspirasi mereka, Fakta juga memberikan pendidikan dan pelatihan untuk peningkatan kesadaran dan kapasitas mereka, seperti pelatihan yang diterima oleh beberapa anggota paguyuban pemulung yang mengikuti pelatihan analisa sosial. Kegiatan ini memberi pengalaman luar biasa bagi peserta sebab mereka menjadi paham peta monopoli pasar yang didominasi oleh pengusaha besar dan berpikir untuk keluar dari penguasaan para penguasaha daur ulang. Kini mereka sedang berupaya menjadi mandiri dan bekerjasama dengan paguyuban pemulung lain untuk pengelolaan sampah atau barang daur ulang.

Fakta banyak menggunakan media dan advokasi langsung sebagai metode menggapai masyarakat secara luas dan menyuarakan aspirasi mereka yang terpinggirkan. Melalui ketua Fakta, Azas Tigor Nainggolan, beragam isu telah berhasil disampaikan baik kepada parlemen maupun pemerintah kota DKI Jakarta. Misalnya terkait kasus pengelolaan PD Pasar jaya, banyak dari penjual di pasar tradisional menyayangkan upaya revitalisasi pasar agar dapat bersaing dengan pasar modern. Upaya menyampaikan aspirasi keberatan dari para pedagang tersebut dilakukan melalui serangkaian pertemuan dengan Komisi B DPRD Jakarta dan menyampaikan rekomendasi agar direksi yang memimpin PD Pasar Jaya adalah yang memiliki perhatian terhadap nasib pedagang kecil agar tidak tersingkir.

Bukan hal yang mudah untuk mengukur keberhasilan organisasi seperti Fakta dan seberapa efektif advokasi yang telah mereka lakukan sebab perubahan pada tingkat kebijakan memakan waktu yang lama dan komunikasi yang intensif. Dalam upaya advokasinya, selain secara aktif melakukan pertemuan dengan para pengambil kebijakan, Fakta juga melakukan peningkatan kapasitas advokasi masyarakat melalui berbagai training dan menyusun rangkaian penelitian ilmiah untuk mendukung kegiatan advokasinya. Fakta telah memainkan peranan yang baik sebagai penyambung aspirasi warga, namun seperti kebanyakan organisasi lokal di Indonesia, masih terdapat ketergantungan terhadap tokoh tunggal dan proses kaderisasi yang berjalan lambat sehingga keberlanjutan dukungan dan program yang dijalankan Fakta dapat sewaktu-waktu terancam berhenti jika tokoh ini meninggalkan organisasi. Close.

Foto: Poppy Dharsono

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Las Madres de Soacha y su lucha por la justicia

Bogotá, 4 mayo 2015 — Las Madres de Soacha son un grupo informal de madres de la zona de Bogotá cuyos hijos fueron ejecutados extrajudicialmente en 2008. Mediante su agrupación han conseguido mantener la atención pública sobre estos crímenes y el que se abran causas criminales contra los autores de los mismos. Leer más.

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Las Madres de Soacha y su lucha por la justicia

Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

Colombia ha padecido un complejo conflicto armado durante los últimos cincuenta años. Aunque los choques armados hace ya tiempo que no se producen en las cercanías de Bogotá, los efectos del conflicto si han tenido consecuencias importantes en la ciudad. En artículos anteriores ya vimos como las sucesivas oleadas de refugiados han tenido un profundo impacto en el crecimiento y el desarrollo de la ciudad.

Sin embargo, hace algunos años si se vivieron episodios violentos relacionados con el conflicto en el entorno de la ciudad. Entre ellos están los casos conocidos como los "falsos positivos". Miembros de las fuerzas armadas atraían a jóvenes de bajos recursos económicos, algunos con discapacidad mental, con la promesa de ofrecerles puestos de trabajo. Posteriormente los ejecutaban y los hacían pasar por guerrilleros, con el fin de cobrar incentivos económicos y de otro tipo ofertados por el Gobierno. Según algunas estimaciones se pudieron llevar a cabo cerca de 3000 ejecuciones extrajudiciales de este tipo en Colombia en el periodo 2004-2008.

A comienzos del 2008 19 jóvenes de Bogotá fueron asesinados de esta manera. Sus madres desde el primer momento rechazaron de plano la posibilidad de que fueran guerrilleros, y comenzaron a luchar para que se hiciera justicia. La impunidad es una de las dimensionas más graves en este tipo de conflictos, y lo es aún más cuando las víctimas son personas de escasos recursos económicos. Varias de las madres de los jóvenes asesinados decidieron agruparse en lo que hoy se conoce como las "Madres de Soacha" (Soacha es la localidad inmediata a Bogotá de la que provenían 14 de los jóvenes).

Las Madres de Soacha han llevado a cabo numerosas actividades encaminadas a impedir que se olvide el asesinato de sus hijos. Entre ellas destacan la puesta en escena de una obra de teatro que aún se sigue representando en La Candelaria, el centro histórico de Bogotá, y que han también representado en Estados Unidos y en Europa. Hace aproximadamente un año inauguraron el Jardín de la Memoria, un parque levantado en Ocaña sobre el lugar en el que fueron asesinados sus hijos, en el departamento de Santander, a cientos de kilómetros de Bogotá. Fue precisamente el caso de los jóvenes de Soacha el que destapó el escándalo de los falsos positivos, a finales del 2008, y supuso el fin de estas prácticas. Desde entonces han sido condenados ocho militares y hay abiertos más de 200 casos judiciales.

María Sanabria, una de las madres de Soacha, considera crucial seguir realizando actividades. Los culpables del asesinato de su hijo de 16 años, Jaime Estiven Valencia, aún no han sido juzgados, y ella teme que un cambio legislativo impida seguir investigando. Los responsables de la muerte de Fair Leonardo Porras, de 26 años pero con una discapacidad mental, fueron condenados en 2014, pero su madre, Luz Marina Bernal, sigue luchando por que se haga justicia con el resto. Las iniciativas de las Madres de Soacha han permitido que se ponga fin a uno de los episodios más tristes del conflicto armado en Colombia, y han dado un empuje decisivo a la búsqueda de la justicia en los casos que se produjeron. Close.

Foto: Toya Viudes

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Bangalore's domestic workers have paved new pathways in gaining recognition and rights

Bangalore, 1 May 2015 — Bangalore's domestic workers have led the way in demanding better wages and conditions at a state level and beyond. Their unions pushed the city's home state of Karnataka to declare a minimum wage for maids, cooks, and sweepers. While the law is progressive, enforcement has been minimal and much more needs to be done. See more.

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Bangalore's domestic workers have paved new pathways in gaining recognition and rights

Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

It's not uncommon for a household in India to employ multiple — even up to a half-dozen — domestic workers. In fact, there are an estimated 4.2 million domestic workers in the country, according to Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO). These millions of cooks, maids, and sweepers — most of whom are women — work behind the closed doors of individual family employers, where they work for low wages, often seven days a week, with little ability to negotiate. The isolation of their work makes changing their circumstances challenging. But India's domestic workers unions have been fighting tirelessly to bring about policy change and better conditions for decades now.

In Karnataka, the home state of Bangalore, domestic workers' unions have come together to make their voices and needs heard. In 2011, for example, women from the Karnataka Domestic Workers' Movement took to the streets to demand at least one day off in a week. They've also sought official recognition for their work, medical coverage, and protection from physical and sexual harassment. These needs are echoed by domestic workers' unions around the country.

The rally cries of Bangalore's domestic workers have pushed the state to take action. Karnataka was one of the first states to institute a minimum wage for domestic workers and set better working conditions. Setting a minimum wage was a big step in calling for the women to earn a livable wage, but as importantly, the official wage requirements also meant that domestic labor gained official validation in state-sanctioned labor laws. Karnataka's moves have since spurred other states to set minimum wages for domestic workers.

While the laws have been progressive in their vision, they have "failed to yield even a single complaint since they were instituted six years ago," according to a recent article.

Shalini Sinha, a homebased worker expert at WIEGO, says that simply having a law does not ensure the protection of workers, particularly those in such isolated environments. She says that one of the barriers is that domestic workers often are uninformed about the laws. More awareness is needed to empower domestic workers to know their rights. Further, says Sinha, the women fear consequences for reporting employers, which could result in loss of income or work. She says that better redress processes could make domestic workers feel more comfortable reporting their grievances.

"Building visibility and voice is critical for domestic workers. They need to build organizations and collectively bargain for their rights," says Sinha. The challenge is, with whom do they bargain? "There is an absence of an employer collective. Residence welfare societies could be one, but they aren't ready to take on this role."

The ripple effect of widespread awareness raising and organizing among domestic workers came together in 2011. At the 100th International Labor Conference in Geneva, domestic workers and their organizations' four-year effort to gain better working conditions was adopted into the Convention Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers and accompanying Recommendation. The efforts on both a local and international level show the power of a collective vision and goal — one that domestic workers in India need to continue to strive for to gain full recognition and protection. Close.

Photo credit: Herry Lawford

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Laws as empty promises

Permalink Submitted by jorgebela on Tue, 05/05/2015 - 07:57

Hi Carlin, you point out to a very important issue: laws are empty promises if after enacted they are not properly enforced. Enforcement takes political will and effort, as well as a capable judiciary system. Very often the poorest people lack the resources or the information to pursue legal relief. Way too many far reaching and ambitious laws have little or no impact on the problems thay try to solve. I am glad that the women in Bangalore are getting organized to get advantage of the new laws, this is a significant first step, and will also serve as a thorn on the side of the authorities that so often pretend to be asleep in regard to woman's rights in India.

Here in Colombia they passed a very effective judicial system in which individuals who believe that their rights have been can seek judicial relieve in a very simple, fast and inexpensive judicial procedure known as "tutelas." This has brough a massive improvement in the enforcemente of the laws, but it is also plagued by problems caused by abuse. Still, making the judicial system accessible for the poor is a critical issue.

Bangalore's maids have paved new pathways

Permalink Submitted by Andréa Azambuja on Fri, 05/08/2015 - 08:36

Hi Carlin,

Your article came in perfect timing for me, as in Brazil the Senate has just enacted what we call "The Domestic Workers PEC", a Constitutional amendment that institutes important rights and benefits for the workers – this happened more than two years after the amendment was proposed.

Here in Brazil this profession has been recognized by law since 1972. In 1988 its rights were expanded – as the institution of a minimum wage and parental leave, for example – but only in 2006 these employees won the right to vacation, for example. And only now, in 2015, the profession, recognized by Constitution, is matching other jobs regulations, with regulated working hours and the payment of taxes.

Unfortunately I'm sure that this doesn't mean that domestic workers' rights are being guarantee in Brazil – as you mentioned, the isolation of work makes changing their circumstances challenging. But is a fact that the workers are more united now, stronger, have gained visibility, know better whom to speak to and whom to bargain with if they need. The subject is in the newspapers everyday and people in general are aware of the new regulations – new contracts are being made everyday in accordance with the new terms, what is slowly changing the way people usually see the domestic work, still so marginalized. This awareness is extremely important, and I'm sure this progress was supported in a great deal by an international effort, by a collective vision on the subject and the willingness to change. I'm glad this is in our agenda and I hope this moment in Brazil can help somehow the domestic workers in India to gain full recognition and protection!

Reconocimiento de derechos

Permalink Submitted by María Fernanda ... on Thu, 05/14/2015 - 09:38

Jorge, el caso de las Madres de Soacha es realmente un ejemplo de la lucha por el reconocimiento de los derechos de las personas de hacer justicia. Es un caso trágico pero el empuje de las madres ha puesto en la mira de la política de seguridad el caso para detener la actividad criminal. En el caso de México han surgido casos similares en donde han desaparecido jòvenes que han sido víctimas de militares, así como feminicidios en Ciudad Juárez. Si bien en México la voz de las madres implicadas ha resonado, es necesario que se unan más organizaciones para hacer escuchar una voz más fuerte que incida en la agenda pública.

Urban Land RIGHTS for the POOREST

Permalink Submitted by Chris Baulman on Thu, 05/14/2015 - 20:40

If landrights are defined in terms of a right to PROPERTY, it leads to COMPETITION for profit,
hence to winners & losers
and so, systemically, to POVERTY.

The Right to LIFE logically includes a RIGHT to nature's GIFTS for life's essentials,
and so a FREE RIGHT of access to land
with DUTIES of justice & sustainable use imposed by the equal right others of this & future generations.

So this is not a right to own, but to use for life's basic needs only … and it is only a right if you don't meet those basic needs already through access to other resources (income/property).

This right should not be debatable, but the property is threatened by the notion. The challenge therefore is to remove the challenge & even compliment neighbours into the property system.

This can be done with urban commons that enhance neighbourhoods & so make the poorest residents there into an asset rather than a liability.

Neighbourhoods that Work is being promoted as a project in Australia, but it is just as applicable anywhere.
See http://landrights4all.weebly.com/neighbourhoods-that-work.html

Regards to all
Chris
@landrights4all

#UrbanCommons
#UrbanCommons

Street Hawking and Unions

Permalink Submitted by Olatawura Ladip... on Sun, 05/17/2015 - 13:20

Hi Carlin,
Inspiring piece on street hawkers and their unions. It really highlights how the informal economy through proper organization can be integrated into the formal, and also shows the power of numbers/ability of unions of vulnerable people to create one voice, and push for change/rights. Street hawkers definitely provide convenience for a bustling city, I have mentioned before they are the difference between hunger in a 3 hour gridlock and relief. They are also largely considered nuisances in Lagos and to varying degrees illegal, it is encouraging to see cities like mumbai recognize their value while attempting to regulate the challenges their existence pose. A union or licensing system might have be a worthy approach for Lagos. Any ideas how the 15,000 are selected, any push to increase the restriction number, and how this is implemented ? Although the system has shortcomings, it has valuable lessons for cities like Lagos.

Empowering Communities in Slum Redevelopment

Permalink Submitted by Carlin Carr on Fri, 05/22/2015 - 09:45

Priyanka, this is a fantastic example of the process of empowerment for evicted communities in slum redevelopment schemes. Thanks for walking us through the Delhi example and Hazard's important work on the ground. I wonder what will happen now that the community needs to draw up their own housing plans. Is there an organization besides Hazard who will help in this? How is the community going about prioritizing/designing housing needs? Are there good models they are using? Great article, Carlin

Dear Carlin, Thank you for

Permalink Submitted by Priyanka Jain on Tue, 05/26/2015 - 10:14

Dear Carlin, Thank you for your kind comment. I have answered your questions below.
Is there an organization besides Hazard who will help in this? Kathputli colony is supported by the centre with technical assistance and providing information on policy, planning, etc. The centre is a unit of Sanchal Foundation and has a list of supporters who help with resources and expertise. Many volunteers have also assisted the residents with their documentation work and mapping exercises. The residents have collected small amounts of money as collective fund from the residents of Kathputli colony for expenses to visit govt offices, organise meetings etc. and manage the funds themselves. In addition, the DDA has declared three days as public visiting days i.e. monday, tuesday and thursday (all days after 2 p.m.). The residents have several times taken prior appointment or arrived at the DDA office to meet with the vice chairman, and have usually being given some time to discuss problems being raised by them.
How is the community going about prioritizing/designing housing needs?
The khula darbar (open court) titled "sach ka saamna" (face the truth) was a conscious effort by the Delhi Development Authority to address the problems that remain unresolved. The officials also tried to explain to people how the PPP project for redevelopment of Kathputli colony will benefit the residents. The residents took this opportunity to enlist their demands and demand clarity on the issues from the DDA and Raheja developers. Three main points emerged from the discussion. First, the inclusion of left out families that were excluded by the DDA in their survey of beneficiaries. Second, the feasibility of a 4 storey housing plan as desired by the residents. It was also acknowledged by the DDA and the developers that it will be less costly to build four storey housing. And third, clarity on the cost of housing to be paid by each beneficiary. At the end, the residents demanded that the DDA and the developer should come to Kathputli colony and organise such public meetings on regular basis where all residents can express their opinions and not just a few. The Hazards Centre was present at the khula darbar more as an observer as people represented their demands themselves and occasionally played the role of a translator when officials used english language during their discussion with the residents.
Are there good models they are using?
The Hazards Centre while respecting the agency of residents to resolve internal problems and factionalism, supports discussions and proposal development by providing information of similar cases occurring in Delhi and other parts of India, and connects collectives that have had similar experiences to learn from.

Permalink Submitted by Shaima Abulhajj on Fri, 05/22/2015 - 14:14

Nice article Olatawura.
The SERAP project is very inspiring. I wonder if there is any education aspect of the project, i.e. do the project includes the procedures of holding educational sessions for the indigent youth for instance to know about their rights which facilitate protecting those rights later on?

How bad can a policy be?

Permalink Submitted by Felipe Villela on Wed, 05/27/2015 - 15:39

The “falsos positivos” murders in Bogotá makes one thing about the contradictory outcomes of public policies. Thanks for sharing this sad story, Jorge.
Unfortunately, we had a similar problem in Brazil. When crack use boomed in Rio de Janeiro, in 2012, the municipality faced the problem by implementing a compulsory drug treatment policy. The idea was to take drug addicts out of the streets, by force, and imprison them in rehabilitation centers for as long as nine months. The clinics would be paid by the municipality according to the amount of drug addicts they had in. What happened? After a while, newspapers reported mistreatment, torture and overbilling in centers owned by a former police officer, a man acknowledged for numerous killings in police operations.

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