Violence

According to the World Health Organization, 1.6 million people worldwide lose their lives to violence each year. Violence that arises from poor living conditions, lack of security forces and illegal activities like drug trafficking, specifically threaten the public safety of informal communities. But efforts to improve security are taking place across the Global South, including the pacification of Rio de Janeiro's favelas, the reconciliation of street brawlers in Jakarta and the combating of violence against women in Mexico City and Mumbai. You can read on to learn more about these initiatives, then join the discussion below.

 

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Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community ManagerMaking Mumbai's streets safe for women

Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

Recent international headlines questioning the safety of women in India reveal what women within the country know all too well. Despite rhetoric of equality and empowerment in a country "on the rise," women continue to experience systemic violence in many forms. A Hindustan Times article from September 2011 shows that "women in Mumbai are feeling increasingly unsafe and instances of violence against them are on the rise." Incidences of rape, kidnapping, and molestation were all up from the previous year.

India is a highly patriarchal society where violence is often linked to cultural practices rooted in dowry demands, child marriage, and the unacceptability of divorce. Domestic abuse is pervasive, and accepted. UNICEF's 2012 Global Report Card on Adolescents found that even adolescents, not just men, feel that wife beating is justified. The report revealed shocking figures, saying that 57 percent of adolescent boys and 53 percent of girls in India think a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife. No matter the figures, the actual number of incidences is likely higher than any data could gather. Given the unwillingness of women to admit abuse for fear of retribution, the current data may mask a much, much larger issue. With little independence outside the home, women are isolated and left without formal, or even informal, recourse for the abuses committed against them. And for poor women, the situation is likely worse.

Poverty and violence

Everyday life in the urban slums is already difficult. Yet poor women, who are disenfranchised from the formal system — legally, economically and socially — are vulnerable to constant threat and harassment as they go about simple daily duties. Women and girls often use the cover of night to visit communal toilets, and many report being harassed — or worse — en route. Violence against women has become pervasive in slums throughout the developing world; for example, a 2010 Amnesty International report revealed that in the slums of Nairobi — where recent violence has been highly publicized — perpetrators range from spouses and family members to youth gangs and even government security personnel. There, more than half of women have experienced abuse and violence. In South Asia, the statistics on women's physical insecurity are similar, though few reports, policies or interventions address the issue. A 2011 study on slum upgrading and safety in Bangladesh reveals that crimes against women are less visible "but more deeply entrenched and possibly more all-pervading" than other serious threats to slum-dwellers.

In Mumbai, a new program being promoted by the country's biggest cricket star, Sachin Tendulkar, focuses on teaching young boys to respect women, starting at a young age. The program, called Parivatan, aims to reduce gender violence by using major cricket stars as role models who work to dispel the idea that "real men are aggressive and violent," says the International Center for Research on Women, one of the main organizations running Parivatan. The program is taking place in over 100 Mumbai schools and is based on the U.S. campaign, "Coaching Boys into Men," which was launched by the organization Futures Without Violence.

In addition to awareness-raising among male youth, other programs are working with the female victims themselves. Kalpana Kadam, a former health worker with the organization SNEHA — which works to promotes women's health and safety in Mumbai's slums — embarked on a research initiative in Dharavi, leading her to identify that domestic abuse was a significant issue. Most concerning to Kadam, who was conducting the research as a Quest Fellow, was the "extent to which these women had accepted abuse as a normal part of life." Kadam worked with the women of Dharavi to use their collective voice to identify perpetrators and protest against these actions and behaviors. "The success of the protest was a powerful demonstration to the women of their own ability to incite change, and their confidence in discussing sensitive issues began to grow," says the report on Kadam's work. These women usually have very little decision-making power in their lives, making organizations that bring together a unified voice against violence an important step in taking action.

Gendered space

While domestic abuse accounts for the majority of cases, women also experience harassment, rape and violence outside of the home. A recent book, Why Loiter? Women & Risk on Mumbai Streets, reveals that the country's cities are designed exclusive of women. City planners and administrators ignore the need for safe, public spaces for women: "Public spaces and infrastructure are usually designed for an abstract 'generic' user. In the context of an ideology that deems women's proper place to be at home, this imagined 'neutral user' of public facilities and infrastructure is invariably male" (67-68), says the book, whose three authors include an architect, social scientist and journalist. This male-engendered space can be seen with the lack of appropriate street lighting, for example, which has been noted to increase the vulnerability of women in cities after dark. Another case is the subways (underground walkways) in Mumbai — promising infrastructure that allows pedestrians to cross the city's chaotic streets with ease underground. However, in a study last year conducted by the Hindustan Times and Akshara, a local women's organization, 37 percent of the 4,225 women interviewed had faced harassment in the city's 20 subways, and nearly 76 percent of them perceived the underground walkways to be unsafe.

"Dimly lit, poorly maintained and almost always unmanned, subways are often home to several anti-social elements and illegal activities," said the article. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), which builds and maintains Mumbai's subways, has decided to move forward with elevated walkways above ground for future construction. This type of planning shows that women's safety is being taken into account, and sets an example of how cities should move forward with more awareness in their development.

Similar to the anxiety over using public toilets or subways, women are just as insecure when using public transport. A step forward in Mumbai, at least, has been women-only compartments on local trains. Buses in Mumbai, however, do not have the option of gender-separated seating. A December 2011 article in the Hindustan Times cites a World Bank-sponsored study from the previous year that found women felt unsafe while boarding and exiting buses in the city. The report was a gender assessment of Mumbai's public transport systems. With bus conductors insensitive to women's complaints about harassment on overcrowded buses, women avoided using the bus. Lack of "female-friendly" toilets near bus stands was cited as another reason for non-usage of buses. Bangalore has responded to these types of incidences by creating women's-only space on buses as well. Currently, the response in Mumbai has been a launching a helpline for commuters. The general manager of Mumbai city bus company — Brihanmumbai Electricity Supply and Transport (BEST) — boasted that since the helpline's inception, not a single complaint has been received from women about harassment. His statistics, however, may reveal less about the newfound safety of public transport than about women's fear of authority in the city.

Promoting women, reducing poverty

The promotion of gender equality and women's empowerment around the world cannot be successful unless physical spaces — public and private — are free of violence and harassment. The MDGs are predicated on a safe environment, without which girls would not be able to attend school and women would not be able to access new income-generating or political opportunities. But as the studies of women in India show, a safe environment cannot be assumed, and violence prevention needs to be more closely linked to poverty reduction. The strategies to eliminate violence against women and girls, which is highly intertwined with the country's religious and societal customs, will require solutions that include education for men, inclusive urban planning, public official training and avenues for women to report their grievances without fear.

Providing women safe opportunities to engage in public space is an essential first step, since without access to public transport or the ability to walk safely down roads, women have no means for advancement. The urban environment is meant to be the heart of progress and social liberalization in countries where women's roles are continually developing. India's urban areas need to bring women's safety issues to the fore of urban development. Only then can women's empowerment follow successfully.

Julisa Tambunan, Jakarta Community ManagerMengatasi tawuran menahun di perkampungan Jakarta

Julisa Tambunan, Jakarta Community Manager

Kekerasan di jalanan kerap mewarnai kota-kota besar dengan kepadatan penduduk yang tinggi dan perkampungan kumuh yang mewarnai landskapnya. Jakarta tak terkecuali. Lucunya, meski kantung-kantung kemiskinan di Jakarta tersebar di seluruh pelosok kota, namun kasus tawuran tampak terpusat di satu tempat saja, kecamatan Johar Baru, Jakarta Pusat. Daerah ini identik dengan "perang kampung". Berbagai usaha telah diambil untuk menghapus tawuran dari daerah ini. Berhasilkah? Lanjutkan baca di sini.

Tawuran menahun tanpa alasan?

Tawuran di Kecamatan Johar Baru, Jakarta Pusat, seperti penyakit menahun yang sulit dicari obatnya. Jika sedang marak, perang kampung dapat terjadi sampai 5 kali sebulan. Tawuran ini mematikan, karena tiap "partisipan" tawuran mempersenjatai diri mereka dengan benda tajam, mulai dari pecahan botol, anak panah, sampai samurai. Warga saling timpuk dan saling tusuk. Terdapat sedikitnya 11 titik rawan tawuran di sepanjang Kecamatan Johar Baru yang sangat padat ini, dengan konsentrasi tertinggi di kelurahan Kampung Rawa. Tawuran tampak telah menjadi tradisi turun-temurun, seringkali pecah karena hal sepele seperti membela kampung.

Banyak yang mengatakan bahwa tawuran di Johar Baru tidak beralasan. Benarkah demikian? Sosiolog dan profesor Universitas Indonesia, Dr. Paulus Wirutomo telah lama meneliti fenomena tawuran di Kampung Rawa, kecamatan Johar Baru. Menurut beliau, tawuran di sana terjadi karena kombinasi banyak hal. Meski demikian, jika warga setempat ditanya apa yang menyebabkan mereka gemar sekali bertarung, maka mereka akan menjawab tidak tahu. Bukan hal mengejutkan, mengingat individu akan menjadi anonim di dalam kelompok besar dan mudah terpolarisasi. Kondisi setempat yang padat, miskin dan kumuh membuat warga frustrasi dan mudah terprovokasi. Dikombinasikan dengan faktor politis dan ekonomis seperti perebutan lahan kekuasan, maka pecahlah tawuran.

Firmansyah, salah satu ketua RW di kelurahan Kampung Rawa yang paling sering tawuran mengatakan, "Dulu diawali karena perebutan lahan di Kampung Rawa. Sekarang lebih karena perang antar geng. Hal kecil saja bisa bikin ribut sekampung". Yang menyedihkan, bukan hanya orang dewasa saja yang bertarung di jalan. Anak muda makin banyak mendominasi tawuran, dan kini, anak-anak kecil pun akan ikut melempar batu dan botol ketika tawuran terjadi.

Dr. Paulus juga menunjuk tingginya pengangguran sebagai sebab tawuran. Data terakhir dari pemerintah kota menunjukkan bahwa setengah dari populasi anak muda setempat tidak memiliki pekerjaan. Usai pendidikan dasar wajib 9 tahun, umumnya mereka sulit mendapatkan pekerjaan. Kriminalitas, dalam hal ini kekerasan di jalanan, berbanding lurus dengan tingginya tingkat pengangguran. Rumah yang sempit di kampung membuat anak-anak cenderung menghabiskan waktu bergerombol di luar dengan teman sebaya, sehingga terbentuklah kelompok-kelompok jalanan atau geng.

Memutus mata rantai perselisihan

Pihak otoritas sendiri bukannya tidak melakukan apa-apa untuk mengantisipasi berbagai kekerasan dan perselisihan di jalanan ini. Pemerintah kecamatan bersama pihak kepolisian dan seluruh perangkat masyarakat telah berusaha keras meminimalisasi tawuran. Salah satunya dengan melakukan apel malam atau sweeping sebanyak tiga kali seminggu, terutama pada malam-malam libur. Pemerintah Daerah bahkan memasang kamera CCTV di sejumlah titik di Kampung Rawa untuk memantau daerah ini dan mencari dalang tawuran. Para pelaku tawuran akan mendapat hukuman kurung. Pendekatan melalui jalur hukum tersebut konon merupakan salah satu cara yang dinilai efektif untuk mengurangi angka kekerasan di jalanan. Namun, jika akar masalah tidak ditangani, tampaknya hal tersebut hanya akan mengurangi tawuran di permukaan saja.

Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta pun memperkenalkan pendekatan berbasis komunitas. Pendekatan ini mengetengahkan partisipasi aktif dari pihak RT dan RW untuk menggandeng kelompok jalanan yang sering menimbulkan kerusuhan dan membuat program-program yang bisa mendamaikan kelompok-kelompok tersebut. Pemerintah juga mulai menyediakan pelatihan keterampilan yang diharapkan dapat berfungsi sebagai pengisi waktu luang untuk para pemuda yang tak memiliki banyak kegiatan akibat putus sekolah dan tak punya pekerjaan.

Sejumlah sosiolog dari Universitas Indonesia melakukan proyek percontohan di kelurahan Tanah Tinggi, kecamatan Johar Baru, dengan meningkatkan kesadaran para ketua RW mengenai pentingnya memperbanyak aktivitas yang sifatnya rekreasional dan tak mengancam di tingkatan masyarakat, agar tercipta perdamaian. Beberapa ketua RW pun mulai menyediakan sarana olahraga. Dr. Paulus Wirutomo menekankan pentingnya memberi kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan yang mampu melatih warga. Beliau menyebutnya, "mengubah kampung tawuran menjadi kampung pendidikan. Anak muda di sini perly wadah untuk menyalurkan potensi mereka. Ini yang harus difasilitasi dan diasa. Di sinilah letak harapan Johar Baru sebagai kampung pendidikan," kata Paulus. Sosiolog lain, Imam B. Prasodjo, mengungkapkan bahwa penting adanya pembentukan kelompok-kelompok yang berfungsi sebagai mediataor konflik. Menurutnya, pendekatan ini tepat karena melibatkan warga secara langsung.

Tak hanya itu, beberapa tokoh warga mulai melakukan inisiatif di tingkat RW. Salah satu RW, misalnya, menyediakan balai-balai pelatihan vokasional bagi para pemuda, studio musik, serta taman bacaan bagi anak-anak dengan mengandalkan potensi yang dimiliki warga. "Kalau hanya mengandalkan pemerintah kota, kita hanya dapat pelatihan sekali setahu, jadi kita tambah sendiri," ungkap Umiyati, istri dari salah satu ketua RW di kelurahan Kampung Rawa yang merupakan jawara warga karena pendekatan aktifnya dalam mengatasi tawuran.

Perubahan yang berkelanjutan

Dengan adanya pendekatan beragam dari banyak pihak, tentunya Johar Baru terlihat memiliki harapan. Meski belum ada penurunan signifikan dalam angka tawuran yang terjadinya, setidaknya telah ada inisiatif menuju ke sana.

Pendekatan berbasis komunitas, terutama, memiliki berbagai keuntungan. Jika upaya menghentikan tawuran datang dari warga sendiri, maka para kelompok yang bertikai dapat lebih mudah dicapai ketimbang jika datang dari pihak luar, apalagi jika datang dari pihak otoritas. Teori sederhana psikologi kelompok ini telah dipakai di banyak usaha resolusi konflik di banyak tempat. Namun demikian, kekurangan dari metode ini adalah dibutuhkannya komitmen dan dedikasi besar dari warga setempat untuk "membujuk" para pelaku tawuran, sementara warga sendiri harus memenuhi kebutuhan pribadi dan keluarganya. Menjalin hubungan antar tiap kelompok yang bertikai selalu membutuhkan waktu yang lama.

Untuk jangka panjang, tampaknya satu-satunya cara untuk mengurangi tawuran adalah dengan menyiapkan para pemuda ini menjadi angkatan kerja, kemudian menghubungkan mereka dengan pasar tenaga kerja. Sebab, salah satu akar masalah dari adanya tawuran adalah kegiatan nongkrong-nongkrong yang dilakukan warga akibat tak punya kegiatan. Tanpa adanya lapangan pekerjaan yang dapat menyerap tenaga kerja dengan keterampilan secukupnya di daerah ini, pendekatan apapun tampaknya tak akan berkelanjutan.

María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community ManagerViolencia y ausencia de poder en las mujeres pobres y marginadas

María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

En México, uno de cada cinco hogares es sostenido por mujeres. Desafortunadamente, esta cifra no equipara la verdadera realidad de muchas de ellas, ya que México es también uno de los países con mayores índices de violencia y marginación entre las mujeres. Con base en datos proporcionados por el Banco Mundial, de las mujeres de entre 15 y 44 años, al menos siete de cada diez son víctimas de algún tipo de maltrato. Además, cada día mueren alrededor de seis a causa de la violencia a la que están sometidas.

En las zonas más marginadas de la Ciudad de México, la violencia es crítica para la salud emocional de las niñas y mujeres, puesto que al vivir en un contexto de marginación, presentan un bajo nivel educativo, analfabetismo, carencia de acceso a servicios de salud y reproductivos, así como carencia de un ingreso familiar estable; por lo que son más vulnerables a la violencia doméstica. En este contexto, Fundación Orígen implementa un proyecto para el empoderamiento de las mujeres como eje central del desarrollo de su entorno.

Contexto

La Colonia Agrícola Oriental es considerada una de las zonas de la Ciudad de México con mayor índice en casos de violencia registrados en la Red de Unidades de Atención y Prevención a la Violencia Intrafamiliar (UAPVIF) de la Delegación Iztacalco. Uno de cada cinco hogares de la zona depende en su totalidad de la mujer para el desempeño de las labores familiares y domésticas, por lo que cuando una mujer se encuentra emocional y psicológicamente desequilibrada, debido a la "no solución de sus problemas", la persona es incapaz de mantener relaciones estables ni con su entorno social, laboral y familiar.

La violencia doméstica es una de las evidencias del contexto social en que la mujer es discriminada. De acuerdo a la UNICEF, la violencia doméstica es un problema que tiene que ver con factores de interdependencia relacionados con la salud, la ley, la economía, el desarrollo y, sobre todo, con los derechos humanos; comprende las violencias infligidas por personas con quienes las mujeres tienen una relación íntima o por otros miembros de la familia, y se manifiesta con malos tratos físicos, el abuso sexual, la violencia psicológica y la violencia económica.

Las mujeres y niñas víctimas de la violencia doméstica en esta zona viven la negación de sus derechos fundamentales, la participación plena en la vida de la sociedad, un desarrollo económico y social limitado, consecuencias sanitarias y enfermedades mentales. Por lo que hacer frente a esta problemática conlleva un enfoque integral que fomente el cambio y contemple las necesidades de quien es víctima de este fenómeno social.

Enfoque: Empoderamiento de la mujer como clave de su desarrollo

Frente a este problema social, el empoderamiento de las mujeres les permite ser participes de sus derechos fundamentales. De acuerdo a Irene Casique, el empoderamiento contra la violencia proporciona acceso y control de los recursos materiales, humanos, sociales y de poder, de tal manera que las mujeres puedan tomar decisiones informadas y adquirir control sobre sus propias vidas. La exposición de la mujeres ante estos recursos brindados, de manera exógena, facilita la toma de decisiones para hacer frente al problema de la violencia; pues bien, el contexto en el que el control de los recursos permanece asociado exclusivamente a la figura masculina, la relación entre acceso a los recursos y género se manifiesta de manera particular a través de la violencia en la pareja, como mecanismo que expresa las profundas desigualdades.

Estudio de Caso: Casa Origen

Siguiendo esta línea de argumentación, Fundación Origen es una organización de la sociedad civil que centra su eje de acción en la figura de la mujer como pilar del desarrollo social y familiar, busca transformar la adaptación y anuencia de la comunidad ante las circunstancias tan poco propicias para el bienestar de las mujeres y por ello busca métodos distintos a las alternativas hoy existentes.

Para Fundación Origen, empoderar a la mujer es factor de cambio para alentar a la sociedad a aprender a despreciar los actos que la lastiman, a educarse en la exigencia pero también en el respeto a las reglas y sobre todo para que las mujeres mismas comprendan que ellas deben de implementar los primeros cambios para romper con los ciclos de marginación y exclusión que las lleva a una situación de violencia doméstica.

Para alcanzar esa meta, Fundación Origen ha desarrollado un modelo de trabajo denominado "Casa Origen", es un centro integral donde se asiste y prepara a mujeres de escasos recursos, principalmente en situación de violencia intrafamiliar, para que mejoren su calidad de vida por medio de orientación y asesoría, y así brindarles las herramientas para que sean capaces de hacerse responsables de sí mismas y comprometerse con su entorno de manera digna.

El apoyo a las mujeres se basa en seis actividades principales:

  • Talleres de capacitación laboral, enfocadas a desarrollar las capacidades individuales y con base en ello puedan tener ingresos.
  • Programas de desarrollo económico para encauzar los planes de trabajo que decidan emprender.
  • Conferencias y cursos de desarrollo humano y familiar, para padres que hagan más llevadero el nuevo rol que la mujer asuma en su familia.
  • Servicios educativos y regularización escolar para los hijos de mujeres que, a consecuencia de la pobreza, no tengan recursos para matricularlos en alguna escuela.
  • Servicios de salud preventiva y tención psicológica para mujeres no tengan acceso a instituciones de salud del Estado.
  • Centros de aprendizaje infantil para mujeres que tienen un horario laboral poco flexible.

Impacto

Desde 2004, Casa Origen ha proporcionado, en la Ciudad de México, más de 226,306 servicios, brindando a las mujeres no sólo la educación que necesita, sino el empuje y la confianza necesarios para que las mujeres se conviertan en el agente de transformación de sus comunidades, al tiempo que se extiende un modelo social basado en la equidad de oportunidades y pleno desarrollo de las capacidades individuales.

  • El modelo se ha replicado en tres delegaciones de la Cd. de México Iztapalapa, Iztacalco y Venustiano Carranza, así como en zonas marginadas del Estado de México, Puebla y Guerrero.
  • Las mujeres de escasos recursos cuentan con alternativas de crecimiento personal y capacitación profesional que les permita desarrollarse, elevar su calidad de vida, así como incrementar su nivel adquisitivo.
  • Formación de mujeres de escasos recursos reafirmando su papel dentro de la sociedad y promoviendo su dignidad y derechos.
  • En la vida cotidiana las mujeres declaran un aumento de autoestima, mejor comunicación con la pareja y con los hijos, disminución de violencia intrafamiliar y fomento del respeto entre los integrantes de la familia.
  • Creación de comunidad, lazos afectivos entre las personas para evitar los patrones de réplica de violencia.

Retos

Entre los retos que tiene la organización para impactar a más mujeres están:

  • Expandir el modelo de Casa Origen para que haya al menos un centro en cada estado de la República Mexicana.
  • Generar bases de datos considerando las variables socio-demográficas de las regiones en las que, por el momento, atienden a las mujeres, de tal manera que se pueda saber el impacto real del trabajo que están realizando.
  • Desarrollar programas en conjunto con las autoridades del Estado, especialmente a nivel municipal, para tener mayor incidencia.

'Pacification' and a changing public security status quo?

Graham Denyer Willis and Julia Tierney, Rio de Janeiro Guest Contributors

For those interested in urban questions, it has been hard to miss Rio de Janeiro's changing approach to public security — the "pacification" of urban territories previously governed by drug-trafficking organizations. And for good reason. In just shy of four years, Rio's policia de pacificação ("pacification police") have installed 26 pacification police units, benefiting more than 300,000 people, in the low-income favelas where state presence has always been tenuous. The permanent presence of the police denotes a new kind of governance that provides public services to what were once deemed "illegal" communities. This has not only enhanced feelings of security but has also fostered greater connectivity between the oft-excluded poor and the state, reducing urban disparity in the process.

The major tagline of pacification is that people in pacified areas are safer. It seems to be the case. A recent study by Ignacio Cano of the State University of Rio de Janeiro found that the homicide rate has dropped by 60 per 100,000 residents in pacified communities — extraordinary given that murder rates were once comparable to countries in the midst of civil war. In addition, police violence declined sharply from 1,330 police killings in 2007 to 561 in 2011. In the process, more than 4,500 new police recruits have been trained in community policing with the aim of breaking down decades of distrust between the urban poor and the police.

But beyond the headlines, many remain doubtful. Their reasons and their questions vary. Who benefits? Who loses? Is this just a façade for the Olympic foreigner? With such a disjointed public security history, brimming with reasons for pessimism, why should we be so quick to rejoice?

One criticism is that the pacification police primarily benefit communities near the wealthy and tourist-oriented south side (zona sul) of the city and those near the major avenues close to the Maracanã Stadium where the World Cup final will be played in 2014. With their picturesque views, communities such as Santa Marta, Cantagalo, Pavao-Pavaozinho, and Babilonia were never the most violent, nor the poorest. Yet they were among the first to be pacified, making an already prosperous part of the city safer for the upper classes and for national and international tourists. But because the secretary of public security announces favela pacification in advance (to avoid violent shootouts between the police and the traffickers), many drug lords have fled to west side (zona oeste) and lowland (baixada fluminense) favelas. Always consistently violent, west side Alliance for Progress-era housing projects like Vila Kennedy and Vila Aliança have become new (and particularly dense) flashpoints of urban instability. In the lowland, which these days is proclaimed to be the most violent area in Rio, those who fled pacification have arrived to find a homicide department that rarely visits crime scenes and doesn't have a formal office.

The pacification strategy has created a great deal of hope, even well beyond the communities that have benefited. Non-pacified communities are alight with the promise of pacification. Rumors and innuendo among residents stoke the fire. When is it our turn? I heard they are coming soon. But this hope has a deadline. The public security secretary has outlined his plan to pacify about 120 favelas by 2016, the year of the Olympics, but (depending on how they are classified) there are more than 1,000 favelas in the city. Many of these are increasingly controlled by shadowy para-state militias (milicias) composed of off-duty police, firefighters, and prison guards. A recent public inquiry even linked these militias to vote rigging and to a number of state and city politicians. Those who clamor most for the policy — also those suffering with violence and insecurity in their day-to-day lives — are not the cornerstone of the policy. At least for now.

Although the pacification police are talked about in terms of innovation, this isn't the first time that Rio de Janeiro has seen a similar policy. Back in 2000, many of the same favelas that are pacified today served as test cases for the GPAE — the Special Area Policing Unit. This community policing initiative crumbled within a few years because of a lack of public resources and skepticism among the police. Tempted by lucrative profits from the drug trade and needing to protect themselves from well-armed drug traffickers, the police fell back on illicit ties with the drug economy. The GPAE units eventually became middling fronts for the drug trafficking groups to continue their control over the favelas. Yet when it comes to the pacification policy, the resolve of the public security system appears unwavering. Faltering police have been rapidly replaced, crisis has been met with investigation, and violence has been confronted with reasonable responses. Along the way, the UPP program has faced an impressive amount of scrutiny, study and skepticism from residents, journalists, bloggers and local and international researchers. And, so far, it has allowed that scrutiny, opened itself to study (and self-criticism) and proved resolute in the face of throw-the-baby-out-with-the-bathwater skeptics. These cannot be said, by any measure, to be qualities of Rio de Janeiro's public security status quo.

The eyes of the world are on Brazil. With its economic resurgence, the discovery and development of offshore oil reserves, the Rio+20 Summit, and the upcoming World Cup and Olympics, there are myriad pressures to tame the violence in Rio de Janeiro. For pacification, this starts with bringing the favelas back under state control. The policy's figurehead, public security secretary Jose Beltrame, has been a crusader in his effort to reverse a decades-old public security policy — to enter favelas violently and to leave them promptly. Historically, Rio's police were trained to make war. In pacification, Beltrame says, Rio's police are service providers. With each day that passes, it becomes harder to refute the idea that Beltrame's pacification strategy is novel and important — that it marks an enduring and irreversible departure from a public security status quo that has always divided the city into rich and poor, formal and informal, legal and illegal.

These controversies (and many others) underline the many shades of grey that are common with most public policies — especially in the realm of public security. The pacification police are decried as dictatorial and praised for reducing violence. Some have benefited; others' lives have been made more complicated. The reality is certainly complex, making it difficult to disentangle where public security ends and urban development begins. But the disjunctures with the past are undeniable. As Rio de Janeiro prepares for its unprecedented wave of mega events, there are small signs that things are improving, or at least evolving. The greatest reason for hope is something novel. Crisis, or the potential for it, is a powerful motivator for action, and Rio's imminent events will increasingly put the city in the blinding glare of international attention. In the face of this attention, the powers-that-be understand that failure is impossible and success is necessary — especially for the New Brazil. Thus, the real question has become: when that glare recedes, sometime around 2016, will the status quo come flooding back in?

Graham Denyer Willis is a Ph.D. Candidate in Urban Studies and Planning at MIT. He has studied police in Brazil ethnographically since 2009, and is currently completing his dissertation research on homicide police and the investigation of police killings in Sao Paulo. His research has been funded by the Open Society Foundation/Social Science Research Council, the Social Science Research Council of Canada, Foreign Affairs Canada, the Center for International Studies at MIT, and the Carroll L. Wilson Fellowship, among others.

Julia Tierney is a first year Ph.D. student in City and Regional Planning at the University of California at Berkeley. She researched the urban governance aspects of the police pacification program in Rio de Janeiro for her master's thesis. She also worked for two years with the World Bank on infrastructure projects in urban Brazil.


 

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